A reconstruction of ancient vietnamese initials using chữ nôm materials

(NINJAL Research Papers) 9: 135–158 (2015)
ISSN: 2186-134X print/2186-1358 online

135

A Reconstruction of Ancient Vietnamese Initials Using Ch̃ Nôm Materials
SHIMIZU Masaaki
Osaka University / Project Collaborator, NINJAL
Abstract
In previous research concerning the Ancient Vietnamese phonology using Ch̃ Nôm materials,
only a few features, such as initial consonant clusters, have been considered. his study aims to
reconstruct the phonological system of Ancient Vietnamese initials, using the Sino-Vietnamese
version of the Buddhist sutra Phật huyết Đại Báo Phu ̣ Mẫu Ân Troṇ g Kinh
, as well as the Proto Viet-Muong phonemes established by Ferlus (2009). he Ch̃ Nôm
characters examined in this study allow us to consider topics such as spirantization and the voicing of medial consonants—possible thanks to the existence of a number of disyllabic words contained therein. Linguistic analysis of such texts does and will play an important role in illing the
missing link between Proto Viet-Muong and Middle Vietnamese (17C).*
Key words: Ancient Vietnamese, Ch̃ Nôm characters, Sino-Vietnamese readings

1. Preface
One of the diiculties of using Ch̃ Nôm (CN) characters in historical phonology comes from
the fact that they were created based on the Sino-Vietnamese (SV) reading of each Chinese
character: i.e., the Vietnamized reading of Chinese characters (Nguyễn Taì Cẩ n 1995). It is also
known that Sino-Vietnamese readings were derived from the phonological system of Middle
Chinese (MC) (Mineya 1972). his is quite diferent from the case of some Manyogana―the
“α group” by Mori (1991)―which were based directly on the reading of MC itself. herefore, in
some cases such as (1a), SV readings relect the original sound of MC, while in others, such as
(1b), they do not because of sound change and lack of identical phonemes in MC.
(1)

a. MC

SV
AV†
*k >
k
k
*kʰ >
kʰ
kʰ
*h >
h
h
b. MC
SV
AV
*p >
ɓ
ɓ
β
*ɱ >
v
v
(w

(c/k/q)
(kh)
(h)

etc.

(b)
((b1)
(v)
(v))

etc.

Ancient Vietnamese (AV) denotes the stage of language between the formation of the SV readings and the
time of compiling Hua yi yi yu
in the history of Vietnamese.

†

* his paper is the revised version of the oral presentation entitled “A Phonological Reconstruction of Ancient Vietnamese Using Ch̃ Nôm Materials,” presented at NINJAL on Dec. 23, 2013. his study is a result
of the Core Research Project “Typological and Historical/Comparative Research on the Languages of the
Japanese Archipelago and their Environs” headed by Prof. John Whitman.
1 he form written in Dictionarium Annamiticum, Lusitanum, et Latinum of Alexandre de Rhodes (1651),
which corresponds to v in the modern orthography.


SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015)

136

hose who are willing to use Ch̃ Nôm characters in historical phonology need to pay special attention to the latter case. Considering this point, in this study, I would like to propose an
appropriate method of using Ch̃ Nôm materials in the historical phonology of Vietnamese.
2. Materials
he Ch̃ Nôm data used in this study are gathered from the Sino-Vietnamese version of the
Buddhist sutra Phâ ̣t huyết Đại Báo Phu ̣ Mẫu Ân Trọng Kinh

, which was
introduced by a number of philologists inside and outside of Vietnam. here are two diferent
opinions on the period of this material: one regards it as from the 15th century (Hoan
̀ g hi ̣Ngo ̣ 1999,
Shimizu 1996), and the other regards it as from the 12th century (Nguyễn Taì Cẩn 2008, Trần
Tro ̣ng Dương 2011).
I prefer the former opinion for two reasons: (1) two taboo characters are used to avoid
the names of the kings in the Lê dynasty (15th century); and (2) the pictures inserted in the
Vietnamese version of the sutra are exactly the same as those in the Korean version edited in
1486 and not earlier.
Advocates of the latter opinion argue the quite old characteristics of Ch̃ Nôm contained
in this material. However, we need to be reminded that the syllable structure of Vietnamese
remained CCVC/T until as late as the 17th century (Gregerson 1969). herefore, it is quite possible that the disyllabic structure extracted from a number of Ch̃ Nôm characters still existed in
the 15th century.
3. Methods
3.1 Principle
First, I will explain the essential method of reconstructing the value of each phoneme at the
stage of creating each Ch̃ Nôm. he data used here are (1) the phonemes of Proto Viet-Muong
(PVM) (Ferlus 2009), Middle Vietnamese (Gregerson 1969), and modern Vietnamese, and
(2) the phonemes of MC, 17th century Sino-Vietnamese (Shimizu 1999), and modern SinoVietnamese. he reading of a certain Ch̃ Nôm in the material should be placed between PVM
and the 17th century, and the Sino-Vietnamese reading of its phonetic component is placed
between MC and the 17th century, in order to properly estimate their value at the period of creating the Ch̃ Nôm character. For example, there are two Ch̃ Nôm characters that both express
the word rắn ‘snake’ pronounced /zan5/ in the modern Northern dialect (NV) but each having a
diferent phonetic component with diferent Sino-Vietnamese readings: one is
tán /ta:n5/, and
the other is
lâ ̣n /lʌn6/. One of the purposes here is to reconstruct the phonemic value of each
character and place it in the course of phonological change. he process of phonological change
of the initial consonants is *s > ɽ > ʐ > z for both Ch̃ Nôm characters, *s > t for the SV of ,
and *l for . his process can be illustrated as shown in (2) and (3):

(2)

rắn /zan5/ (SV: tán /ta:n5/)
AV
SV
*s- (MC) > *s>
CN *s- (PVM) >
*s>
he phonemes in

17C
tɽ-

>
>

20C
tʐ-

>
>

are those estimated for the period of creating the character.

NV
tz-


SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015)

(3)

137

箴 rắn /zan5/ (
SV
CN

SV: lận /lʌn6/)
AV
*l- (MC) >
*l>
*s- (PVM) >
*s>

17C
lɽ-

>
>

20C
lʐ-

>
>

NV
lz-

We then search for the stage where the Ch̃ Nôm reading and the SV reading of its phonetic
component are the closest. In the case of , it is the stage of Ancient Vietnamese (AV), while
in 箴, it is 17C. In this way, if we follow the same process for all the phonemes, the phonological
system of AV can be reconstructed theoretically.
3.2 Application for the case of spirantization
Shimizu (1996) points out that a number of Ch̃ Nôm data, regarded as the traces of disyllabic
words, can be found in the present material. Some examples of these will be presented here to
apply the method above for the process of spirantization (Ferlus 1982, 2009), a phonological
process involving consonants in the medial position and an important process that occurred
between PVM and AV, which can be summarized as follows in (4):
(4)
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.

PVM
*p *b
*t *d
*s
*c *ɟ
*tʃ
*k *g

>
>
>
>

>
>

Orthography
v
d
r
gi
gi
g/gh

NV
v
z
z
z
z
ɣ

/ (C)ǝ_V(C)/T

he same initial consonants occurring in the monosyllabic words went through the process
in (5):
(5)

PVM
a. *p *b
b. *t *d
c. *s
d. *c *ɟ

e. *tʃ
f. *k *g

>
>
>
>
>
>

*p
*t
*s
*c
*tʃ
*k

>
>
>
>
>
>

Orthography
b
đ
t
ch
x

c/k/q

NV
ɓ
ɗ
t
c
s
k

/ #_V(C)/T

he cases in (6a)–(11a) demonstrate the processes of (4c) and (4a). he irst example, (6a), is
a case of (4c).
(6)

a. Ch:
CN:
chó
đồng
rắn
sắt
dog copper snake
iron
‘copper dog and iron snake’ (29a5)2

2 “29a5” means “page 29, irst half, line 5” of the Sino-Vietnamese version of the Buddhist sutra Phật huyết
Đại Baó Phụ Mẫu Ân Tro ̣ng Kinh
.

SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015)

138

he irst line is the original Chinese sentence, while the second one is the Vietnamese translation with Ch̃ Nôm characters. he words in italics on the third line are the transcription in
the present orthography called Quốc Ng̃, followed by the glosses for each word on the fourth
line and the translation of the whole expression on the ifth line. he objective here is the word
for ‘snake,’ as we saw in the case of (2), but with the Ch̃ Nôm transcribing the presyllable: .
(6)

b.
rắn

PVM3
*p-səɲʔ

AV
*pʰa-san5
*pʰa:5 sa:n5

17C
ɽan5
(ta:n5)

20C
ʐan5
(ta:n5)

NV

zan5
(ta:n5)

cf. Ru ̣c4
 pusiɲ3

Referring to the PVM form and that of Ru ̣c, for instance, it is quite certain that the present initial r comes from *s and that the SV initial of
also comes from the MC *s (
).
herefore, the most rational measure is to reconstruct both of these initials as *s at the stage of
AV. Furthermore, the SV initial of , which comes from the MC *pʰ (
), also reinforces the
reconstruction of the PVM presyllable *p-. he process of change occurring in the initial *s of the
main syllable can be summarized as shown in (7):
(7)

PVM
*-s-

AV
-s-

17C
> ɽ-

>

20C
ʐ-

NV
z- (r)

he examples in (8) to (11) are all concerned with the process of (4a). he irst case, (8a), conwith two components, both expressing the sounds
for the presyllable
tains one character
and
for the major syllable.
(8)

a. Ch:
CN:
lòng vui
dấu
hằng
lìa
heart pleasant love long
apart
‘he heart of pleasant love is far away for a long time.’ (20a3)

Again, referring to the PVM and Ru ̣c forms, it is certain that the initial consonant of vui had
gone through the process of spirantization. According to Ferlus (1982), the process of spirantization of the PVM labials *p and *b can be traced as shown in (4a)’:
(4)’ a. PVM
*-p*-b-

>
>

*-ɸ*-β-

*-β-

>

17C
β-

>

20C
v- (v)

Looking through the phonetic components of Ch̃ Nôm characters that express v in the
modern orthography, the voiced stop ɓ, such as in the SV reading of
bôi /ɓo:j1/, is distin1
guished from v, as in the SV reading of
vi /vi: / in 轗5, which is another Ch̃ Nôm character
that expresses the same word vui ‘pleasant.’ I believe that the labiodental feature of the latter
expresses the stage of around 20C when the process β > v had been completed. Meanwhile, the
voiced bilabial stop ɓ in ɓo:j1 can be understood in two ways. One is to regard ɓ as transcribing

3 he Proto Viet-Muong (PVM) forms are cited from Ferlus (2007).
4 One of the languages of the Ch́t group belonging to the Viet-Muong branch of Mon-Khmer family.
5 Trần Văn Kiê ̣m, L.m. An-tôn (2004: 879).


SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015)

139

the stage of the voiceless stop *p of the same phoneme, as illustrated in (8b), and the other is to
regard it as expressing the stage of the voiced bilabial fricative β, as illustrated in (8c).
(8)

vui

PVM
*t-puːj

AV
*tɨ-pu:j1
*tɨ1 ɓo:j1

17C
βu:j1
(ɓo:j1)

20C NV cf. Ru ̣c
vu:j1 vu:j1
tapuj1
1
1
(ɓo:j ) (ɓo:j )

vui

PVM
*t-puːj

AV

*tɨ-βu:j1
*tɨ1 ɓo:j1

17C
βu:j1
(ɓo:j1)

20C NV cf. Ru ̣c
vu:j1 vu:j1
tapuj1
1
1
(ɓo:j ) (ɓo:j )

b.

c.

cf. � [

]

*vi:1

he case of (8c) is more likely than the case of (8b) for two reasons. First, it is diicult
to imagine that the opposition of voiced and voiceless stops remained up to the stage of AV.
Second, it is also quite diicult to imagine that the initial stop of the SV reading of
was still
voiceless or that it was useful for transcribing the voiceless stops at the time.
Example (9a) is the same as (8a). For the same reasons as above, I believe the voiced bilabial

stop in this example transcribes the voiced bilabial fricative.
(9)

a. Ch:
CN:

b.
vua

吒
tṛ
vua
cha
save king father
‘save the father king’ (5a1)
PVM
-

AV
*tɨ-βuɤ1
*tɨ1 ɓo:5

17C
βuə1

20C
vuə1

NV
vuə1

Another problem is concerned with the height of tones. For example, the problem with (10a)
is how the tone height should be reconstructed.
(10) a. Ch:
CN:
sao
chẳng vội
chết
why not
early die
‘Why not die early?’ (38a1)
he modern form vội belongs to the lower tone, while the SV reading of
ɓo:j1 belongs to
the higher one. herefore, as far as we follow the SV reading, the tone of the AV stage should be
the higher counterpart of tone 6 (nă ̣ng tone)―that is, tone 5 (sắc tone).6 he tone change from
high to low in this case is due to the voicedness of the presyllable *a-.

6 hree high/low pairs of the modern 6 tones are tone 1 (ngang) / 2 (huyền), tone 3 (hỏ i) / 4 (nga),̃ and
tone 5 (sắc) / 6 (nă ̣ng).


SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015)

140

(10) b.
vội

PVM
-

AV
*a-βo:j5
*a1 ɓo:j1

17C
βo:j6

20C
vo:j6

NV
vo:j6

he case in (11a) also has quite important problems concerning spirantization and tone
height. he word vỗ về in the present orthography is an example of reduplication, but each syllable was disyllabic in AV.
(11) a. Ch:
CN:

7
{ * }{ * }8
vỗ
về
mô ̣t
dừng hay
vui
comfort
once
know pleased
‘comfort and feel pleased for a while’ (14a4)

he SV initial transcribing of major syllables
phổ /fo:3/ and
phê /fe:1/ comes from MC
*pʰ (
). As far as we follow the order of spirantization
voicing proposed by Ferlus (1982),
the voiceless feature of the initial ph shows the middle stage of the process *p > ɸ > β. Meanwhile,
the tones of SV phổ (3: hoỉ tone) and phê (1: ngang tone) belong to the higher series, while those
of vỗ về (4: ngã tone, 2: huyền tone) belong to the lower, and both are the counterparts of the
opposite in each pair: 3/4 and 1/2. hese conditions allow us to reconstruct the value of those
Ch̃ Nôm at the AV stage as in (11b):
(11) b.
vỗ

PVM
-

về

-

AV
*a-ɸo:3
*a1 fo:3
*a-ɸe:1
*a1 fe:1

17C
(βo:4)9

20C
vo:4

NV
vo:4

(βe:2)

ve:2

ve:2

his case will be evidence for reconstructing both ɸ and β at the stage of AV. he spirantization process and the value of labials at the AV stage are as follows in (12):
(12) PVM
*-p- >
*-b- >

AV
*-ɸ*-β-

>

17C
β- >

20C
v- >

NV

v-

So far, I have applied the method described in section 3.1 to reconstruct the value of the
voiceless fricative *s and the labial stops *p and *b of PVM that had gone through the process of
spirantization. It is noteworthy that the cases introduced above are quite characteristic in that all
of them are disyllabic words and the structure of their Ch̃ Nôm characters shows the disyllabicity clearly by using two phonetic components for each word.
4. Reconstruction of AV
Hereafter, we apply the method proposed in section 3.1 for all the initial consonants of PVM.
7 In other texts, is substituted by ‘for a while’ (Makita 1976: 56).
8 In the case that Ch̃ Nôm fonts are not available, we separate the components into {A*B} for vertical and
{A+B} for horizontal placement: e.g., { * } = , { + } = .
9 Not found in the Dictionary of Rhodes.


SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015)

141

Before this, it is necessary to discuss the syllable structure of AV.
4.1 Syllable structure
Ferlus (2004) supposed the syllable structure of PVM to be as follows:
(13) PVM

a. disyllables:
b. monosyllables:

C1-C2V(C3)
C1V(C2)

he reason C1-C2V(C3) is regarded as disyllabic is because C1- in (13a) is usually followed by

a shwa, which had no phonological value inserted between C1 and C2. As we saw in section 3.2,
the spirantization process itself had not been completed and was still in the course of change at
the stage of AV. herefore, we believe there is strong evidence for conirming that the presyllables
and major syllables had formed one unit so close as to interact with each other. his opinion can
be summarized as follows in (14):
(14) PVM
C1-C2V(C3) >

AV
C1-C2V(C3)/T

>

C1V/T + C2V(C3)/T10 >

20C
C2V(C3)/T

We can make the AV version of the syllable types as in (15):
(15) AV

a. disyllables:
b. monosyllables:

C1-C2V(C3)/T
C2V(C3)/T

4.2 Presyllables (C1)
In the present material, Ch̃ Nôm characters such as , , , , , , and , etc., can be
regarded as transcribing the presyllables. First of all, the presyllable list of the PVM stage, shown

in (16), was proposed by Ferlus (2007):
(16) PVM

*p-

*t*s(*m-) (*l-)
(*r-)

*c-

*k-

*ʔa-

he phonemes in ( ) are limited in number.

he examples in (17) are of Ch̃ Nôm characters transcribing disyllabic words:
(17)
CN
*ka-

SV

PVM

20C (North) Ch

Pages

khả nh̃ /kʰa:3 ɲɨ:4/11

*k-ɲəːʔ

nh́ /ɲɤ:5/

15b1

xa man
̃ g /tʃa:1 ma:ŋ4/
xá mãng /tʃa:5 ma:ŋ4/

*c-maŋʔ
*c-maŋʔ

mắng /maŋ5/
mắng /maŋ5/

5b3, ...
23a5

*ca-

10 Some fossilized disyllabic words in modern Vietnamese are mồ hôi ‘sweat’ (havung: pahû:), chiêm bao
‘nightmare’ (Ruc: cəpoː1), etc.
11 he IPA transcription in this study is generally based on the modern Northern speech, except here, the
SV sounds of each Chinese character are based on the reconstructed AV phonemes. his is to clarify that
the AV phonetic values of the presyllables and the reconstructed PVM sounds are quite close.


SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015)

142

*paphá tan
́ /pʰa:5 sa:n5/

*p-səɲʔ

rắn /zan5/

tư bôi /tɨ:1 ɓo:j1/

*t-puːj

vui /vu:j1/

29a5

*ta-/sa{ *
*a-

,

20a3, 46a3

}

a bôi /a:1 ɓo:j1/
{ * } a phổ /a:1 ɸo:3/
{ * } a phê /a:1 ɸe:1/

a ngâm /a:1 ŋʌm1/
*lala đả /la:1 ɗa:3/

vô ̣i /vo:j6/
vỗ /vo:4/
về /ve:2/
*-ŋamʔ (?) ngậm /ŋʌm6/
*l-taːʔ

38a1
14a4
14a4
42a4

đá /ɗa:5/

41b2

In summary, the list of presyllables (C1-) extracted from the present materials will be as
follows:
(18) AV

*p-

*t*s(*l-)

*c-

*k-

*ʔa-

4.3 Initials of major syllables (C2)
According to Ferlus (2009), the list of initials of major syllables (C2) and their modern relected
forms are as follows in (19):
(19) a. aspirated stops, voiceless fricatives
pʰ
tʰ
s
kʰ
> ph > th > t~r
> kh
b. unaspirated stops p b
t d
cɟ
tʃ
k g
> b~v > đ~d > ch~gi > x~gi > c~g
c. implosives
ɓ
ɗ
ʄ
>m
>n
> nh
d. nasals
m
n
ɲ
ŋ

>m
>n
> nh > ng/ngh
e. voiced fricatives v
j
>v
>d
f. liquids
r
l
>r
>l

h
>h
ʔ
>#

In the case of the PVM *s, for instance, the modern relection on the left t is the phoneme in
the monosyllabic words, while the modern relection on the right r is the phoneme after it has
gone through spirantization in the disyllabic words. Accordingly, in the other cases, such as *p/*b
> b~v, *t/*d > đ~d, *c/*ɟ > ch~gi, *tʃ > x~gi, and *k/*g > c/k/q~g/gh, the italic letters on the left are
those in monosyllabic words, and those on the right are in disyllabic words (Ferlus 1982).
Hereafter, the AV phonetic values of (19) a~f will be reconstructed in order.


SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015)

143

4.3.1 Aspirated stops and voiceless fricatives
4.3.1.1 *pʰ
he PVM aspirated voiceless bilabial stop *pʰ corresponds to the modern spelling ph, and in the
17th century, it remained an aspirated stop, not a fricative as in the modern Northern dialect [f ].
Its process of change can be illustrated as in (20):
(20) PVM
*pʰ-

>

AV
*pʰ-

>

17C
pʰ-

>

20C (North)
f- (ph)

he correspondence of Ch̃ Nôm readings (ph) and the SV readings of their phonetic components (ph) are as follows in (21):
(21) (MC: *pʰ , *f , *fʰ
> ) ph : (PVM: *pʰ > ) ph
CN
Mod. Orth. SV
MC Ch
phaỉ /fa:j3/

phaí /fa:j5/
phải /fa:j3/
phái /fa:j5/
1
phô /fo: /
phô /fo:1/
...
{ + } phơi /fə:j1/
phi /i:1/
5
phút /fu:t /
phát /fa:t5/
1
phen /fɛ:n /
phan /fa:n1/
, , ...

Pages
19b4
7b3, ...
30b5
20a2
17b3
8b2,10b3,...

Another correspondence is as follows in (22):
(22) (*b > ) b : (*pʰ > ) ph
CN
Mod. Orth.
phẩy /fʌj3/

phô /fo:1/

SV
bùi /ɓu:j2/
bô ̣ /ɓo:6/

MC

Ch

Pages
35b3
11b2

Most of the examples show the correspondence with the MC initials *pʰ (
,
,
)―that is, (pʰ > ) f ( ph). However, only two cases have a correspondence with (*b
> ) b.
his should not be regarded as an exception but as evidence of the stop feature of the phoneme.
4.3.1.2 *tʰ
he PVM *tʰ corresponds to the modern spelling th, and its value remained tʰ throughout its
history.
(23) PVM
*tʰ- >

AV
*tʰ-

>

17C
tʰ- >

20C (North)
tʰ- (th)

he correspondence of the Ch̃ Nôm readings (th) and the SV readings of their phonetic
components (th) are as follows in (24):
(24) (*dʑ
CN

...

, *ɕ

, *ʑ , *ts , *tʰ
> ) th : (*tʰ > ) th
Mod. Orth.
SV
MC
thi ̣t /tʰi:t8/
thiê ̣t / tʰiət8/
thay /tʰaj1/
thế /tʰe:5/
3
thẳm /tʰam /
thẩm /tʰʌm3/

Ch

Pages
29b5, ...
3a3, ...
16b1


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144

th̀ /tʰɤ:2/
thả /tʰa:3/
thôi /tʰo:j1/
thấy /tʰʌj5/
tha /tʰa:1/

th̀ /tʰɨ:2/
thả /tʰa:3/
thôi /tʰo:j1/
thể /tʰe:3/
tha /tʰa:1/

42b4, ...
17a1
33b1
4b1, ...
23a3, ...

...

In all cases, the phoneme corresponds to the SV tʰ (th) from the MC initials , , ,
and and remains with the value tʰ. From this, it is likely that the SV readings of the initials
, , and
had also already become stops, not fricatives or africates.

,

4.3.1.3 *s
he PVM *s had gone through the process of spirantization, so *s > r occurred in disyllabic words
(4c), and *s > t occurred in monosyllabic words (5c). As we have already seen in (6a) and (6b), the
value *s possibly remained in disyllabic words. First of all, other examples that went through the
process *s > r in the disyllabic words include those shown in (25) to (29):
(25) (*s , *ts
CN
{ + }
{ (= )+
{ + }

{ - }
(26) (*s , *z
CN

> ) t : (*s > ) r
Mod. Orth.
ráy /zaj5/
} ráy /zaj5/
raý /zaj5/
rać h /zɛ:k5/
ráo /za:w5/
ráo /za:w5/

> ) t : (*s > ) t
Mod. Orth.
ta /ta:1/
t́i /tɤ:j5/

SV

MC
tái /ta:j /
taí /ta:j5/
taí /ta:j5/
tać /ta:k5/
táo /ta:w5/
táo /ta:w5/

Ch

5

SV
ta /ta:1/
tế /te:5/

MC

Pages
15a1, ...
11b5
17b5
29b5

14a1, ...
29b5

Ch

Pages
5a3, ...
15b2, ...

-

36a2
13b5

MC

Ch

Pages
9a4, ...

Ch

Pages
2a3
2a3

...
tiếc /tiək7/
t̀ /tɨ:2/

tích /ti:k7/
t̀ /tɨ:2/

...
(27) (*s
> ) s : (*s > ) t
CN
Mod. Orth.
tan /ta:n1/

SV
san /sa:n1/

> ) t : (*s > ) t
Mod. Orth.
tốt /to:t5/
tầy /tʌj2/

SV
tốt /to:t5/
tề /te:2/

MC

(29) (*t
> ) đ : (*s > ) t
CN
Mod. Orth.
tơ /tɤ:1/

SV
đa /ɗa:1/

MC

(28) (*ts
CN

, *dz

Ch

Pages
36b3


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145

In the case of monosyllabic words, the existence of the cases in (27) and (28) allow us to
reconstruct the value as *s―apart from one case where it is transcribed with the phoneme đ (29).
he process can be summarized as follows in (30):
(30) PVM
*-s- >
*s>

AV
*-s*s-

17C
ɽ- >
t- >

>
>

20C (North)
z- (r)
t- (t)

4.3.1.4 *kʰ
he PVM *kʰ corresponds to the modern kh in orthography, but after the 17th century, it went
through the process kʰ > x (Gregerson 1969), illustrated in (31) below.
(31) PVM
*kʰ-

>

AV
*kʰ-

17C
kʰ-

>

>

20C (North)
x- (kh)

he correspondence of the Ch̃ Nôm readings (kh) and the SV readings of their phonetic
components (kh) are as follows in (32):
(32) (*kh
CN

...
{ +

, *k

}

> ) kh : (*kʰ > ) kh
Mod. Orth. SV
MC
1
5
khăn /xan /
khán /xa:n /
khó /xɔ:5/
khố /xo:5/
khoẻ /xwɛ:3/

Ch

khuê /xwe:1/

Pages
18a1
6a1, ...
13a4, ...

We can see only one case of correspondence with the MC *k (
), but at the time of
SV formation, it already had the initial kh, so it can be treated the same way as the other cases.
Alternatively, it could be analogous to the SV reading of , which also has kh as an initial.
herefore, this phoneme also remained a stop until it became the fricative [x] after the 17th
century.
4.3.1.5 *h
he PVM *h corresponds to the modern h in orthography, and its value has remained h from
PVM until now, as shown in (33).
(33) PVM
*h- >

AV
*h-

>

17C
h>

20C (North)
h- (h)

he correspondence of the Ch̃ Nôm readings (h) and the SV readings of their phonetic
components (h, #) are as follows in (34) and (35):

(34) (*h , *ɦ
CN

, *ø , *k
> ) h : (*h > ) h
Mod. Orth. SV
hai /ha:j1/
hai /ha:j1/
7
hết /he:t /
hiết /hiət7/

MC

Ch

Pages
6b4, ...
2a5, ...

...
học /hɔ:k8/
hô ̣t /ho:t8/

hộc /ho:k8/
hô ̣t /ho:t8/

18a3
9a3, ...

SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015)

146

...
h̃i /hɤ:j4/
hót /hɔ:t7/
(35) (*Ɂ
CN

> ) # : (*h > ) h
Mod. Orth.
hết /he:t7/

hĩ /hi:4/
hốt /ho:t7/
SV

34a5
15a3
MC

Ch

yết /iət7/

Pages
18a4, ...

In most cases, the phoneme corresponds to the SV readings for the MC initials *h (
)
and *ɦ (
). In only one case each does it correspond to *ø (
), *k (
), and *Ɂ (
).
he SV readings for the former two MC initials are always h in the modern orthography. he
only exception―MC initial *Ɂ (
)―could also be analogous to
hết as it shares the same
phonetic component. herefore, the value h has remained quite steady from PVM until today.
To summarize all the reconstructed forms of aspirated stops and voiceless fricatives, we have
the chart in (36):
(36) aspirated stops and voiceless fricatives
PVM
AV
17C
20C (North)
*pʰ*pʰ- >
pʰ >
f (ph)
*tʰ*tʰ>
tʰ >
tʰ (th)
*s*-s>
ɽ
>
z (r)
*s>

t
>
t (t)
*kʰ*kʰ- >
kʰ >
x (kh)
*h*h>
h >
h (h)
4.3.2 Unaspirated stops
he series of unaspirated stops went through the process of spirantization, except for the case
of the glottal stop. hese processes were shown in (5) and (6). Below are the actual cases of Ch̃
Nôm transcription.
4.3.2.1 *p and *b
For the case of the bilabial stops *p and *b, we have shown the process of disyllables in (12). As
far as we can attest the trace of voiceless fricatives shown in (11), we can assume that the spirantization process was still under way at this point.
he following in (37) are the other cases of the labials, with the cases of the monosyllables
that have nothing to do with the process of spirantization listed irst.
(37) (*p , *b
> ) b : (*p, *b > ) b
CN
Mod. Orth.
SV
ba /ɓa:1/
ba /ɓa:1/
1
buôn /ɓuən /
bôn /ɓo:n1/
...
buồn /ɓuən2/

bồn /ɓo:n2/
bụi /ɓu:j6/
bô ̣i /ɓo:j6/
...

MC

Ch

Pages
5b1, ...
19b1
38a2
35b3, ...


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147

In the case of monosyllabic words, most of the cases transcribe the initial with b corresponding to the MC initials *p (
) and *b (
). However, we have no evidence to conirm
whether it had already been voiced or still remained voiceless. In general, as far as the Ch̃ Nôm
characters were created using the SV readings that distinguish voiced and voiceless consonants
by the height of tones―i.e., higher tones and lower ones―one can be sure that the bipartition of
high and low tones had already been completed. It follows that the contrast between voiced and
voiceless had already disappeared, at least within Vietnamese. Here we continue with the supposition that the phoneme in question had already been voiced.
he cases in (38) and (39) are those of the disyllables that had gone through the process of
spirantization.

> ) b : (*p, *b > ) v
Mod. Orth. SV
MC
1
1
vâng /vʌŋ /
bang /ɓa:ŋ /
vào /va:w2/
bao /ɓa:w1/

(38) (*p , *b
CN

...
{ +
(39) (*pʰ
CN

*

}

ṿ /vɤ:6/
vin /vi:n1/

> ) b : (*p, *b > ) v
Mod. Orth.
vậy /vʌj6/

Ch

bi ̣ /ɓi:6/
biê ̣n /ɓiən6/
SV

Pages
6b2, ...
5a1, ...
19b2
11a2

MC

Ch

phi /i:1/

Pages
2a4, ...

Again, the case in (39) shows the stage when the voicing of the voiceless fricatives had not
occurred.
In (40), we summarize the above discussion.
(40) PVM
*-p- >
*-b- >
*p*b-

AV
*-ɸ*-β*ɓ-

>

17C
β-

20C (North)
>
v- (v)

ɓ-

>

ɓ- (b)

4.3.2.2 *t and *d
he PVM dental stops also went through spirantization in the disyllabic words. Sections 4.3.2.2
to 4.3.2.6 present cases of monosyllabic words.
(41) (*t , *d
CN

> ) đ : (*t, *d > ) đ
Mod. Orth. SV
đất /ɗʌt7/
đát /ɗa:t7/
5
đái /ɗa:j /
đái /ɗa:j5/

MC

Ch

Pages
3b1, ...
11b5, ...

...
đen
̀ /ɗɛ:n2/
đều /ɗe:w2/

điền /ɗiən2/
điều /ɗieu2/

26b2
6a1, ...

...
For the same reason as with the labials, we suppose the contrast between voiced and voiceless


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148

disappeared and merged into a voiced stop.
he cases that went through the spirantization process are listed in (42).
> ) đ : (*t, *d > ) d

Mod. Orth. SV
MC
1
1
da /za: /
đa /ɗa: /
dứi /zɨəj5/
đái /ɗa:j5/

(42) (*t , *d
CN
{ + }

Ch

Pages
15a1
10b1, ...

...
đa ̣i /ɗa:j6/
đỗ /ɗo:4/

dạy /zaj6/
dỗ /zo:4/

18a3, ...
18a3

...

he cases of consonant d were here transcribed with the SV reading đ corresponding to the
MC initials *t (
) and *d (
) without exception. herefore, it is diferent from the case of
labials in that there are no cases transcribing the voiceless fricatives. he process is as follows in
(43):
(43) PVM
*-t*-d*t*d-

>
>

AV
*-ð*ɗ-

>

17C
ð-

>

20C (North)
z- (d)

ɗ-

>

ɗ- (đ)

4.3.2.3 *c and *ɟ
he PVM palatal stops *c and *ɟ also went through the process of spirantization. he cases in
(44) and (45) are those of monosyllable words that kept the stop feature.
(44) (*tɕ
CN

> ) ch : (*c, *ɟ > ) ch
Mod. Orth. SV
chảy /tʃaj3/
chỉ /tʃi:3/
1
chân /tʃʌn /
chân /tʃʌn1/

MC

Ch

Pages
8b2, ...
11a3, ...

MC

Ch

Pages
5a1, ...
5a2, ...

11b3, ...
5a5, ...
5b4, ...
16a2, ...

...
(45) (*ʈ , *ɖ
CN

吒

{ *

}

, *tʂ
> ) tr : (*c, *ɟ > ) ch
Mod. Orth. SV
cha /tʃa:1/
吒 trá /tʃa:5/
1
chưng /tʃɨ:ŋ /
trưng /tʃɨ:ŋ1/
6
chi ̣u /tʃi:w /
triê ̣u /tʃiəw6/
ch̃ /tʃɨ:4/
{ * } tr̃ /tʃɨ:4/
3
chẳng /tʃaŋ /

trang /tʃa:ŋ1/
5
cháy /tʃaj /
trái /tʃa:j5/

he SV relection of the MC initial *tɕ (
)―that is, ch―along with the SV initials with
nearby places of articulation such as tr (relection for the MC initials *ʈ , *ɖ , and *tʂ )
make it clear that the PVM *c and *ɟ had merged into voiceless stops. he cases of disyllabic
words are shown in (46) and (47).


SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015)

(46) (*tɕ
CN

> ) ch : (*c, *ɟ > ) gi
Mod. Orth. SV
giết /ziət5/
chiết /tʃiət5/

> ) tr : (*c, *ɟ > ) gi
Mod. Orth.
giận /zʌn6/
{ * }
gĩ /zɨ:4/
{ + } giừng /zɨəŋ2/
...

(47) (*ɖ
CN

MC

SV

Ch

MC

trâ ̣n /tʃʌn6/
{ * } tr̃ /tʃɨ:4/
trừng /tʃɨəŋ2/

149

Pages
13a3, ...
Ch

Pages
19a4
11b2, ...
21a1

As far as this material is concerned, all the consonants in question are transcribed with ch and
tr. herefore, the process can be traced as follows in (48):
(48) PVM
*-c- >

*-- >
*c*-

AV
*-ỗ*c-

>

MV
-

>

20C (North)
d- (gi)

c-

>

c- (ch)

4.3.2.4 *tʃ
he PVM africate *tʃ had become x in all cases. According to Ferlus (2009), it became gi in
disyllabic words. he cases of monosyllables are listed in (49) to (52).
(49) (*tɕʰ
CN

> ) x : (*tʃ > ) x
Mod. Orth.

xa /sa:1/
xé /sɛ:5/

SV
xa /sa:1/
xỉ /si:3/

MC

Ch

Pages
16b2, ...
29b3

SV
MC
chiêm /tʃiəm1/
chân /tʃʌn1/

Ch

Pages
17a1, ...
33b5, ...

Ch

Pages
8a1, ...

29b3
19a5

Ch
-

Pages
15a2
21b3

...
(50) (*tɕ
CN
{ +

> ) ch : (*tʃ > ) x
Mod. Orth.
} xem /sɛ:m1/
xin /si:n1/

(51) (*ɕ , tsʰ
> ) th : (*tʃ > ) x
CN
Mod. Orth. SV
MC
7
h
7
x́c /sɨ:k /
th́c /t ɨ:k /

xiên /siən1/
thiên /thiən1/
1
xui /su:j /
thôi /tho:j1/
(52) (ʈʰ
> ) s : (*tʃ > ) x
CN
Mod. Orth.

撑
xanh /sɛ:ŋ1/
xấu /sʌw5/

SV
撑 sanh /sɛ:ŋ1/
s̉u /sɨ:w3/

MC

he existence of the consonant ch for the MC initial *tɕ (
) to transcribe x in (50) shows
the stage of *tʃ, while those cases in (52) show the value of ʃ in the process *tʃ > ʃ. Concerning the


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150

consonant x in the SV readings, the general relection of the MC initial *ɕ (

) is th, but when
it appears with medial j, the SV relection is x. Meanwhile, the value of x in the 17th century
was ʃ, and the value of th in modern Vietnamese is so “soft” that it is sometimes pronounced θ.
herefore, when it comes with medial j, the value can be quite close to that of x.
Unfortunately, we did not ind any cases that had gone through the spirantization process in
the present material, as depicted in (53).
(53) PVM
*-tʃ >
*tʃ >

AV
*tʃ/ʃ

>
>

17C
ȷʃ-

>
>

20C (North)
dʒ- (gi)
s- (x)

4.3.2.5 *k and *g
In the case of velars, the SV relection of the MC *k (
) and *ɡ (
) is c/k/q, not g/gh.

However, when the SV readings are further Vietnamized in the colloquial language, it often
becomes g/gh.
he cases of the monosyllable words are presented in (54).
(54) (*k , *ɡ
> ) c/k/q : (*k, *ɡ > ) c/k/q
CN
Mod. Orth. SV
MC
1
1
cây /kʌj /
cai /ka:j /
cất /kʌt7/
cát /ka:t7/
…
caỳ /kaj2/
kì /ki:2/
4
c̃i /kɤ:j /
quĩ /kwi:4/
…

Ch

Pages
29b2
22b3
31a3
44b3

As in the case of the SV readings, the PVM labials and dentals became voiced implosives,
while velars became voiceless c/k/q. his is one of the typical features in Vietnamese.
he cases of the disyllabic words are shown in (55) and (56).
(55) (*k , *ɡ
> ) c/k/q : (*k, *ɡ > ) g/gh
CN
Mod. Orth. SV
MC
2
1
gần /ɣʌn /
cân /kʌn /
gái /ɣa:j5/
cái /ka:j5/
…
gặp /ɣap8/
câ ̣p /kʌp8/
4
ghẽ /ɣɛ: /
kĩ /ki:4/
…
(56) (*kʰ
CN
{ +

> ) kh : (*k, *ɡ > ) g/gh
Mod. Orth. SV
gả /ɣa3/
khả /xa:3/
} gã /ɣa4/

khả /xa:3/

MC

Ch

Pages
16b3
7b4, ...
3a3
31a4, ...

Ch

Pages
22a2
13b5

In the 17th century, for instance, the velar consonants retained the contrast between voiced
and voiceless (k/g), and the voiced consonant had become a fricative as in the modern language.
Here, it is quite clear from the modern relection that the velar stops remained voiceless in the


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151

monosyllabic words, while those in the disyllabic words became voiced. Here again, the existence
of the cases in (56) show the medial stage in the process *k > x > ɣ, which is illustrated in (57).
(57) PVM

*-k- >
*-ɡ- >

AV
*-x*-ɣ-

*k*ɡ-

*k-

>

MV
ɣ- >

20C (North)
ɣ- (g/gh)

k-

k- (c/k/q)

>

4.3.2.6 *ʔ
he glottal stops are never transcribed in Ch̃ Nôm or modern orthography. hey are transcribed
with the SV readings of the MC initial *ʔ (
), as demonstrated in (58).
(58) (*ʔ
CN

> ) # : (*ʔ > ) #
Mod. Orth.
ăn /an1/
ấy /ʌj5/

SV

MC

Ch

an /a:n1/
ý /i:5/

Pages
10a5, ...
23a3, ...

...
Now let us summarize the process of the stop series in PVM as shown in (59).
(59) PVM
*p*b*-p*-b*t*d*-t*-d*c**-c*-*t*-t*k**-k*-*#-

AV
*>
>

>
>

*-*-**-*c-

>
>
>
>

*-ỗ*t-/*k-

>
>
>

*-x*-*#-

>

>

>

>
>
>

>

17C
- >

20C (North)
ɓ- (b)

β-

>

v- (v)

ɗ-

>

ɗ- (đ)

ð-

>

z- (d)

c-

>

c- (ch)

ȷ-

>

dʒ- (gi)

ʃȷk-

>
>
>

s- (x)
dʒ- (gi)
k- (c/k/q)

ɣ-

>

ɣ- (g/gh)

#-

>

#- (ø)

4.3.3 Implosives
4.3.3.1 *ɓ
Some part of the phonemes transcribed with m in the modern orthography can be traced back to

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152

the PVM implosive *ɓ. By referring to the word list in Ferlus (2007), we can identify which ones
are which and ind the same words in our material. he comparison is presented in (60).
(60) (*m
CN

> ) m : (*ɓ > ) m
Mod. Orth.
mắc /mak7/
mất /mʌt7/
m̉ /mɤ:3/

SV

MC

Ch

mă ̣c /mak /
ma ̣t /ma:t8/
mĩ /mi:4/
8

Pages
22b1
11a1, ...

5b5, ...

At the stage of forming the SV readings, the PVM *ɓ had already become a nasal m.
herefore, the value in the present material is also a nasal, as shown in (61).
(61) PVM
*ɓ- >

AV
*m-

>

17C
m-

>

20C (North)
m- (m)

4.3.3.2 *ɗ
Using the same method as with the labials, we can ind the words in question in our material.
(62) (*n
CN

> ) n : (*ɗ > ) n
Mod. Orth.
năm /nam1/
nấu /nʌw5/
nuôi /nuəj1/

SV

MC

Ch

nam /na:m /
naõ /na:w4/
nỗi /no:j4/
1

Pages
5b3, ...
16a5, ...
16a2, ...

All the cases in (62) are transcribed with nasal n; therefore, the process can be summarized as
in (63).
(63) PVM
*ɗ- >

AV
*n-

>

17C
n-

>

20C (North)
n- (n)

4.3.3.3 *ʄ
Another case is the palatal implosive. We can ind only one word of this case. he word and corresponding rule are shown in (64) and (65), respectively.
(64) (*ɲ
CN

> ) nh : (*ʄ > ) nh
Mod. Orth.
nhau /ɲaw1/

(65) PVM
*ʄ>

AV
*ɲ-

>

SV

MC

Ch

nhiêu /ɲiəw /
1

17C
ɲ-

>

20C (North)
ɲ- (nh)

Let us summarize the process of implosives as follows in (66):
(66) PVM
*ɓ- >
*ɗ- >
*ʄ>

AV
*m*n*ɲ-

>
>
>

17C
mnɲ-

>
>
>

20C (North)

m- (m)
n- (n)
ɲ- (nh)

Pages
5a2, ...


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153

4.3.4 Nasals
he next series are those of the PVM nasals. Essentially, all these phonemes had not changed
their values but, concerning the labials, dentals, and palatals, had merged with the implosive
series at the AV stage. Examples are presented for each phoneme in the sections 4.3.4.1 to
4.3.4.4.
4.3.4.1 *m
(67) (*m
> ) m : (*m > ) m
CN
Mod. Orth.
mắt /mat7/
máu /maw5/
{ + } me ̣/mɛ:6/
...
4.3.4.2 *n
(68) (*n
> ) n : (*n > ) n
CN

Mod. Orth.
nay /naj2/
nắm /nam5/
...
4.3.4.3 *ɲ
(69) (*ɲ
> ) nh : (*ɲ > ) nh
CN
Mod. Orth.
nhơ /ɲɤ:1/
nhà /ɲa:2/
nhe ̣ /ɲɛ:6/
...
(70) (*j
> ) d : (*ɲ > ) nh
CN
Mod. Orth.
nhả /ɲa:3/
{ + } nhả /ɲa:3/
nhã /ɲa:4/

SV

MC

Ch

Pages
12b4(nức+), ...
8b2, ...

4b5, ...

MC

Ch

Pages
2a4, ...
9b2

SV
như /ɲɨ:1/
như /ɲɨ:1/
nhi ̣ /ɲi:6/

MC

Ch

Pages
15a4
16a2, ...
7b4, ...

SV

MC

Ch

Pages
11b4
13b1, ...
18b3(nhu ̣c+)

ma ̣t /ma:t8/
mão /ma:w4/
mĩ /mi:4/

SV
ni /ni:1/
nam /na:m1/

dã /za:4/
dã /za:4/
da /za:1/

As for the PVM *ɲ, it is not only the SV nh for the MC *ɲ (
) but also the SV d for the
MC *j (
) that corresponds to this phoneme. his is exactly the same as the case of nhiếc,
which is alternated by diếc in the modern language, and in the Dictionary of Rhodes, where nhà
has an alternative transcription of da,̀ etc. herefore, the cases in (70) show the same kind of
alternation.
4.3.4.4 *ŋ
(71) (*ŋ
> ) ng/ngh : (*ŋ > ) ng/ngh
CN
Mod. Orth. SV
{ + } ng̀ /ŋɤ:2/

nghi /ŋi:1/

MC

Ch

Pages
41a4


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154

ngã /ŋa:4/
ngồi /ŋo:j2/

ngã /ŋa:4/
ngoa ̣i /ŋwa:j6/

46a1
17b1, ...

...
he process of nasal series is as follows in (72):
(72) PVM
*m*n*ɲ*ŋ-

AV
*m*n*ɲ*ŋ-

>
>
>
>

 17C
>
m>
n> ɲ> ŋ-

20C (North)
m- (m)
n- (n)
ɲ- (nh)
ŋ- (ng/ngh)

>
>
>
>

4.3.5 Voiced fricatives
4.3.5.1 *v
A part of the modern v goes back to the PVM *v. Here again, we refer to Ferlus (2007) to select
the samples in our material, shown in (73).
(73) (*ø , *ɱ
> ) v : (*v > ) v
CN
Mod. Orth. SV

về /ve:2/
vê ̣ /ve:6/
4
{ + } vẫy /vʌj /
vı̃ /vi:4/

MC

Ch

Pages
7a3, ...
11a4

It is noteworthy that when the PVM *p and *b went through spirantization and became v,
they are transcribed with bilabial b, while the PVM *v is transcribed with fricative v. herefore,
Ch̃ Nôm transcription distinguishes clearly between the PVM bilabials and labial fricatives; see
(74).
(74) PVM
*v- >

AV
*v-

 17C
v-

>

20C (North)

v- (v)

>

4.3.5.2 *j
A part of modern d is traced back to the PVM *j, as demonstrated in (75) and (76).
(75) (*j
> ) d : (*j > ) d
CN
Mod. Orth.
dâu /zʌw1/
{ + } dâ ̣y /zʌj6/
{ + } dài /za:j2/
(76) PVM
*j>

AV
*j-

>

SV

MC

Ch

dâ ̣u /zʌw6/
duê ̣ /zwe:6/
duê ̣ /zwe:6/

17C
ᶁ-

>

20C (North)
z- (d)

he process of voiced fricatives is as follows in (77):
(77) PVM
*v- >
*j>

AV
*v*j-

>
>

 17C
vᶁ-

>
>

20C (North)
v- (v)
z- (d)

Pages

21b4
17b1, ...
31a3, ...


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155

4.3.6 Liquids
4.3.6.1 *r
A part of the modern r is also traced back to the PVM *r, as demonstrated in (78).
(78) (*l
> ) l : (*r > ) r
CN
Mod. Orth. SV
{ + } ruô ̣t /zuət8/
luật /lwʌt8/
6
{ + } rựu /zɨəw /
ḷu /lɨw6/

MC

Ch

Pages
22b1, ...
20b3

4.3.6.2 *l
he value of the PVM *l had not changed throughout its history, as shown in (79).
(79) (*l
> ) l : (*l > ) l
CN
Mod. Orth.
lưng /lɨ:ŋ1/
lấy /lʌj5/
là /la:2/
...

SV

MC

Ch

lăng /laŋ1/
lê ̃ /le:4/
la /la:1/

Pages
24b2
22a3, ...
7a3, ...

he process of liquids is as follows in (80):
(80) PVM
*r>
*l>

AV
*r*l-

17C
rl-

>
>

20C (North)
r- (r)
l- (l )

>
>

4.4 Consonant clusters
Another topic concerning the consonant system of AV is the pattern of consonant clusters.
Ferlus (1992) proposed the list of patterns of consonant clusters shown in (81):
(81) PVM

pr
pl
kj

br
bl

tr

dr

kr
kl

ml

gr
gl

In our material, the cases in (82) ofer quite clear evidence for how the patterns of consonant
clusters should be reconstructed.
(82)
CN
SV
bl- > ʈ- (tr)
ba la /ɓa:1 la:1/
ba lai /ɓa:1 la:j1/
bà luận /ɓa:2 lwʌn6/

MV

20C

Ch

blả
blái
blọn

trả
trái
trọn

pʰl- > ʈ- (tr)
pha lật /fa:1 lʌt8/

blạt

trật

13b1

kʰr- > ʂ- (s)
khả la /xa:3 la:1/

sa

sa

28a1

-

Pages
8b5
11a2-3
11b5

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156

khả liệt /xa:3 liət8/

sắt

sắt

sống

sống

s̃a
sưng

s̃a
sưng

34a4, 35a4
38a2

pʰr- > ʂ- (s)
pha luật /fa:1 lwʌt8/
phá luật /fa:3 lwʌt8/

sốt
sốt

sốt
sốt

29a4
29a3

br - > ʂ- (s)
ba l̃ /ɓa:1 lɨ:4/

s̃a

s̃a

18a2

ml- > l- (l)
ma lệ /ma:1 le:6/
ma lân /ma:1 lʌn1/
ma lộc /ma:1 lo:k8/

ml̀i
lăn
-

l̀i
lăn
lóc

19a1, 31a2, 37b4-5

19b2
19b2

kr- > ʂ- (s)
{ * } cổ lộng /ko:3 lo:ŋ6/
/
c̣ l̃ /kɨ:6 lɨ:4/
c̣ lăng /kɨ:6 laŋ1/

29a5, 31a3
,

6a3, 15b1, 30a1, 44a3

he extracted cluster patterns are as follows in (83):
(83) PVM
Cr- >
Cl- >

AV
*Cr- (pʰr, br, kr-kʰr)
*Cl- (pʰl, bl, kl)
(ml)

>
>
>

17C
ʂblml/l-

>
>
>

20C (North/South)
s/ʂ- (s)
tʃ/ʈ- (tr)
ɲ- (nh)/l- (l )

5. Conclusion
hrough the analysis of the Ch̃ Nôm characters contained in the the Buddhist sutra Phâ ̣t huyết
Đại Báo Phụ Mẫu Ân Trọng Kinh
, we reconstructed the phonemes of initial consonants and the syllable structure of Ancient Vietnamese (15C). Concerning the process
of spirantization, which can be attested quite clearly in the material, the phonological features of
the Ch̃ Nôm characters can be placed between the stage of sprirantization and that of voicing
for the medial consonants.
he results of the reconstruction are summarized as follows:
Syllable Structure
disyllables:
monosyllables:
Presyllables (C1)

C1-C2V(C3)/T
C2V(C3)/T

p-

ts(l-)

c-

k-

pʰr
pʰl

br
bl

kr (kʰr)
kl
ml

Consonant Clusters

ʔa-


SHIMIZU Masaaki / NINJAL Research Papers 9: 135–158 (2015)

157

Initial Consonants (C2)
ɓ

ɗ

c
pʰ
tʰ
β/ɸ v ð s ỗ j
m
n

r
l

k
k
/x



h

References
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vietnamien. Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 11(1): 83–106.
Ferlus, Michel (1992) Histoire abrégée de l’évolution des consonnes initiales du Vietnamien et du
Sino-Vietnamien. Mon-Khmer Studies 20: 111–125.
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Bả o tổ n Di sả n.


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AV
Ferlus

2009
2

Proto Viet-Muong PVM

AV
PVM

17C