Pathways to social complexity and state formation in the southern zambezian region author(s

Pathways to Social Complexity and State Formation in the Southern Zambezian Region
Author(s): Nam C. Kim and Chapurukha M. Kusimba
Source: The African Archaeological Review, Vol. 25, No. 3/4 (Sep. - Dec., 2008), pp. 131-152
Published by: Springer
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AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152
DOI 10.1007/s
10437-008-903
1-3

ORIGINAL ARTICLE

Pathwaysto Social Complexityand State Formation
in the SouthernZambezian Region
Nam C. Kim • ChapurukhaM. Kusimba

Publishedonline:23 September

2008
Science+ BusinessMedia,LLC 2008
C Springer

AbstractTheoristshave put forthvarious anthropological
perspectiveson the
variablesleadingto socialcomplexity
andtheemergence
of state-level
polities.This
data fromtheZambezianregionof SouthernAfricain orderto
paperincorporates
contribute
to the literature
on social evolutionary
theory.It tracesthe cultural
of communities
thatflourished
trajectories
duringtheregion'sIronAge withinthe
of theGreatZimbabwepolity.In
Basin,leadingto theemergence
Shashi-Limpopo
thearchaeological
of state-like
record,theauthorsdiscusstheemergence
examining
and explanationsfor the
societies,offeringa reviewof currentinterpretations
emergent

complexity.
Les théoriciensont émis plusieurspoints de vue anthropologiques
sur les
variablesqui conduisentà la complexitésociale et à l'émergencedes états.Cet
articleest une contribution
à la littérature
surla théoriede l'évolutiondes sociétés
réaliséeà partir
des donnéesde la régiondu Zambèzeau sud de l'Afrique.Il retrace
de communautés
les trajectoires
culturelles
qui sontapparuesau coursde l'âge du fer
dans le Bassin du Shashi-Limpopo
et qui ont conduità l'émergencede l'étatdu
Grand Zimbabwe.En s'appuyantsur les données archéologiques,les auteurs
discutent
offrant
une revuedes dernièresinterprétal'émergencede sociétés-états,
tionset explications
au sujetdes complexités
émergentes.
• Mapungubwe
• Fortification
•
Keywords GreatZimbabwe• Zimbabweculture
•
•
•
SocialandpoliticalcomplexityStates UrbanismZambezia

N. C. Kim
of Anthropology,
of Illinoisat Chicago,1007 W. HarrisonStreet,
Department
Chicago,
University
IL 60607, USA
C. M. Kusimba( ! ')
ofAnthropology,
FieldMuseumof NaturalHistory,
1400 S. Lake ShoreDrive,Chicago,
Department
IL 60605-2496,USA
e-mail:
Ö Springer

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AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152

132

Introduction
The originsof social complexity,
urbanism,and archaicstatesare of profound
interest
forsocial scientists.

social evolutionis an important
aspectof
Investigating
andthisis one ofthe
culturechangeandhumanorganizational
behavior,
elucidating
offers
core missionsof anthropology.
Studyingtheevolutionof social complexity
haveemployedto
thatsegments
ofhumankind
intounderstanding
insights
strategies
accumulate
power(Earle 1997;Haas 2001; Holl 2000; Robb 1999),or in thecauses
ofsocialchangeandsocietalinequality
(Blantonetal. 1996;Blanton1998;Carneiro
to
andEarle20.00;Trigger
1970,1990;Feinman2001; Johnson
2003). Furthermore,
within
our
humangroupingpatternsand politicalorganization
trulyunderstand
and
dimensions

it is essentialthatwe exploretheirhistorical
contexts,
modern-day
debate
the
social
manifestations.
to
by
evolutionary
Archaeologythuscontributes
the originsof stratified
societiesas a precursorto more complex
highlighting
state.At the same time,
such as the city-state
and territorial
conglomerations
and
us
understand
how
whypeoplelivingin similarecosystems
helps
archaeology
embrace
different
may
strategies,
rangingfromegalitarianor acephalous,heterin

communities
et al 1995;Holl 2000,
archical,or hierarchical, creating
(Ehrenreich
This
to
the
articlecontributes
2003; Mclntosh1999).
ongoingdebate on the
of
social
a
debate
that
we believehas not yet
worldwide;
emergence
complexity
the
rich
from
Africa
Holl
data
Sub-Saharan
2000, 2003; Kusimba
(cf.
incorporated
Stahl

Mclntosh
1999;
1999; Pikirayi2001;
2001; Trigger2003). In doingso, we
studied
fromthreeextensively
records
reexamine
publishedarchaeological
primarily
and
Zambezianregion,namelyBambandyanalo,
sitesofthesouthern
Mapungubwe,
of
thatcontributed
to theriseand development
GreatZimbabwe,to addressfactors
social complexityand statehoodin southernAfrica. We discuss the main
current
of thesedata
indicators
of social complexity,
interpretations
archaeological
and how theyfitinto the generaldebate of archaeologyof social complexity
worldwide.
and sociopolitical
The Shashi-Limpopo
Basin experiencedmajortechnological

AD (Manyanga2006:138;
transformations
towardstheend of thefirstmillennium
due in part
Pwiti2005). Thesetransformations
includedrapiddemographic
growth,
to migration
and naturalgrowth,an increasein societalinequalityevidencedby
of sitehierarchies
differential
householdsize,wealthand status,and theemergence
of acephalous
To
what
can
we
attribute
the
transformation
(Manyanga2006:138).
IronAge societiesofsouthern
Africaintostatesocieties?To answerthesequestions,
we firstrevisitthehistory
of social formations
traceableto thelatefirstmillennium
BC whenpastoralandagrarian
inhabited
theregion(Pikirayi
communities

2001:34).
at
and
we
look
the
of
societal
Second,
inequalities
usingan intersite
underpinnings
that
the
of
efflorescence
Bambandyanalo(also
regionalperspective
highlights
knownas K2), Mapungubwe(Huffman
2005, 2007), and GreatZimbabwe(Pikirayi
2006a). We believethishistoricalapproachprovidesclues towardsunderstanding
the prevailingconditionsunder which certainhousehold heads could have
accumulatedunequalwealthand legitimacy,
enablingthemto become leadersof
theirvariouspolities(Haas 2001; Kusimba1999;KusimbaandOka 2008). How and
in whatwaysdid thesepolitiesfunction?
leaderscentralize
How did theseincipient
and

What
the
nature
of
consolidate
their
was
relationships
amongst
authority
power?
fi Springer

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AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152

133

and GreatZimbabwe?And whatwas therelationBambandyanalo,
Mapungubwe,
withsmall,moreperipheral
andfrontier
states?
shipbetweentheselargersettlements
As in manyregionsaroundtheworld,largerand morebuilt-upsettlements
that
werepresumably

In contrast
attention.
smaller
capitalshavereceivedmorescholarly
thatmay or may not have been allied to the state
moreregional/rural
chiefdoms
tonote
(e.g.,Usman2001). It is important
capitalshavereceivedlittleorno attention
communities
withtheirmore
howsmaller-scale
albeitperipheral
mayhaveinteracted
and
powerfulneighbors.Was the natureof theirrelationsbased on tributary
How mayarchaeologyoperationalize
subordinate
ties?Was it heterarchical?
these
theserelationships
has implications
forknowinghow
relationships?
Understanding
leadersemergeand consolidatepower.
and by whatmeansincipient
andthestatein southern
Zambeziahas been

The emergence
of socialcomplexity
Theseincludeexternal
trade(Huffman
offactors.
attributed
to a variety
1972,1982,
of cattle(Beach 1998; Denbow 1984),religious
1986b,1996,2005), accumulation
ideology(Beach 1980, 1998) and climatechange(Pikirayi2001). Some researchers
of warfareand
(e.g., Hall 1990; Manyanga2006) have proposedthe importance
coercionas one of the means used to accumulateand keep power but little
at
archaeologicalevidencehas been gatheredthusfarto supportthishypothesis,
While the materialevidencefor
least,forthe initialstagesof social complexity.
Africais abundantforthe
organizedviolenceand warfarein precolonialsoutheast
second half for the second millennium(e.g. Pikirayi1993; Huffman2007),
effortsto identifyand develop the chronological
must intensify
archaeologists
and itsaftermath
contextofwarfare
duringthenascentstagesof stateformation.
of
the archaeologicalrecognition
The lines of evidencefor operationalizing

to
societalattempts monopolizeresources,
totensionsoverresources,
warfare
pertain
to permanent
areas in proximity
at resource-rich
and aggregation
and fortification
written
sourcesof water.Formsof evidenceincludeoral testimonies,
records,
paleopathology,and violent destruction,
weapons, fortifications,
iconography,
and therelocationof settlements
of culturalpatterns,
(Holl 1985, 1997,
disruption
availablematerialevidencehintsat the
2003; Webster1998:315). The currently
Basin notonlyhad
of the Shashi-Limpopo
thatIronAge communities
possibility
have
also
defenseon theirminds,butthattheymay
engagedin organized

military
violencein orderto achieveobjectivesand politicalagendas.1
We proposethatMapungubweand GreatZimbabweachievedand maintained
economic,political,and ideologicalhegemonythrougha combinationof both
combineto supportthis
peacefuland coercivemeans.Certainmaterialindicators
of settlement
to
that
relate
material
location,
shifting
patterns
signatures
proposition,
all
and
territoriality,migration, ofwhichcombineto
fortification,
mortuary
practices,
We hope thatthispaperwill initiatethe
supportwarfareand violencehypotheses.
in thearchaeological
current
of
andreinterpretation
réévaluation
landscape,

patterns
withinthe
andopendiscussions
state
on
to thegloballiterature
contribute
formation,
to
on
the
Africanarchaeologycommunity
along lines now
pathways complexity
commonplace in otherregions(Trigger2003).
1 We
Zambeziain
intheriseandfallofstatesocietiesin Southern
exploretheroleofcoercionandwarfare
a separatepaperto be publishedsoon (Kim and Kusimba2008)
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134

DefiningtheState
whichall of
cultural
tellsus thatsocietalchangeis a universal
dynamic
Archaeology
moments
to embrace,albeitat different
andtheycontinue
has embraced,
humankind
Not all societiesevolvedintostatesbutmanyofthosethatdid
andpaces in history.
on the
thathave guidedarchaeological
exhibitsalientfeatures
theorizing
generally
of thestate(Bilman2002; Carneiro1981; Flannery1998; Fried1967;
emergence
Johnsonand Earle 2000; Keeley 1996; Marcus 1998; Service1975; Spencerand
of the
Redmond2004; Trigger2003; Yoffee2005). Thereare countlessdefinitions
statebutforourpurposeshere,we willuse BruceTrigger
(2003) sincewe believeit
to theAfricancontextwe discussin thisarticle.
is morerelevant
In Understanding
Trigger(2003:92) definesthestateas: "a
Early Civilizations,

or
by thosewho live in it as sovereign
organizedsocietythatis regarded
politically
and has leaderswho controlits social, political,legal,
politicallyindependent
controlover
economic,and culturalactivities"(2003:92). In thisview,centralized
forthestate.Powercanbe
feature
is a defining
lifeina society
manyaspectsofeveryday
andonewouldexpect
andideologicalforms,
in economic,
manifest
political,
physical,
or
forsome or all of theseformswithinan emergent
to see materialindications
natureof statesand thelabor
established
state.Furthermore,
due to theaggregating
numbers
to administratively
runtherequisite
resources

significant
operations,
required
In describing
arenecessarily
ofhumanresources
(2003:47)
earlystates,
Trigger
present.
used forceto
of kinshipties and how rulersregularly
emphasizesthe importance
makesclearthatearlystateswere socially
His definition
maintaintheirauthority.
strata
thehighest
andthatindividuals
stratified,
possessedthemostwealth,
occupying
these
andpoliticalpower,whileconcurrently
status,
possessingthemeansto maintain
distributions
of wealthand power."The core of such an earlystate(or complex
chiefdom)was an ethnicgroup,tribe,or ruler'skindredto whichothergroups
which

or unwillingly
paid tribute"
(Trigger2003:47). The meansthrough
willingly
theirpowerlikely
thesemembers
of theupperstratawereable to gainand maintain
includeda mixture
ofphysicalas wellas ideologicalpower.
and necessary
makesan important
Whendiscussingstate-level
societies,Trigger
to
is germane
state".Thisdichotomy
distinction
between"city-state"
and "territorial
in size,scale,
ourdiscussionofIronAge southern
Zambezia,as therearedifferences
andterritorial
extentforcertain
(2003:92) echoesAkinMabogunje's
polities.Trigger
of an urban
smallpolities,consisting
wererelatively
(1962) notionthatcity-states

In contrast,
core surrounded
by farmland
containingsmallerunitsof settlement.
a multileveled
territorial
statespossessa rulerwho governeda largerregionthrough
of
in a corresponding
of provincialand local administrators
hierarchy
hierarchy
administrative
centers(Huffman
markers,
1986c,2007). In termsof archaeological
were sometimesclearlydemarcatedby natural
boundariesfor early city-states
with populationsranging
features,artificialmarkers,or walled fortifications,
case studiesof
anywherefrom5,000 to 20,000 (Trigger2003:94). To illustrate
civilizations,
earlycity-state
Trigger(2003:94) outlinesevidencefromthe Uruk
period (3500 to 3200 BC) in southernMesopotamia.In conjunctionwiththe
emergenceof agricultural
practices,the regionalso experiencedincreasingsocial
urbancenters,largepublicbuildings,and a citystratification,
organizedwarfare,

statesystem.
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AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152

135

inferences
tobe made.First,thesocieties
thereareimportant
Giventhesefeatures,
and
to theirlocations.This is
withinthisregionwere fairlysedentary committed
and architectural
investment
evidentin theamountof agricultural
putintothecities.
in these urban centers,enoughto
Second, populationshad grownsufficiently
all ofthelaborneedsrequiredfortheurbanconstruction.
accommodate
Finally,itis
as
clear that power and controlwere centralized, large-scaleproductionand
occur throughcoordinatedplanningand

architecture
could only efficiently
implementation.
operational
stateswere highly
and establishedprehistoric
It is thusevidentthatemergent
in
which
of powerand
societies
asymmetries
complex
populous,sociallystratified,
within
these
societies
were
able
to achieve
elites
wealthexisted.The leadersand
In
states
can be
a
of
means.
theirstatusandgarnertheirpowerthrough variety
sum,

in
the
hands
of
a
small
elite
characterized
resting
politicalauthority
by centralized
and
oftentimes
ideologicalby
physical,economic,
group,whereinthe power is
center
an urbanor semi-urban
nature(Mann 1986; Morris1998:98).Furthermore,
as
the
of
oftenservedas the centralnodal point interaction,
capitaland
serving
hinterland
from
the
material
tribute

and
foragricultural
destination
surrounding
(Yoffee2005:91).
As theyrise,
thestatearchaeologically?
How mayarchaeologists
operationalize
about their
certain
clues
leave
states
declineand eventuallycollapse,
inevitably
to
markers
In
addition
and
political.
history:technological,social, economic,
also
will
these
societies
wealth
and
social stratification

differentiation,
indicating
ceremonial
and
exhibitsigns of religious
functions,higherpopulationsand
functions
administrative
controlover
centralized
(Flannery1998:54,55). As such,
and symbolic
the structural
life
can reconstruct
by studying
daily
archaeologists
the
include
This
can
site.
architecture,
edificesof an archaeological
templesand
residential
eliteand non-elite
quarters.
shrines,

Pathwaysto Social Complexityand State Formation
societiesand some of
of state-level
Havingreviewedthe definingcharacteristics
IronAge societies
Later
of
the
turn
to
now
we
theirmaterial
archaeology
signatures,
from
transformations
where
in southern
acephalousto state
Zambezia,
important
The questionwe
AD.
millennium
first
the
of
end
the

societiesoccurredtowards
southern
in
existed
states
which
to
and
addresshereis theform degree
prehistoric
the
indicate
to
there
evidence
the
Zambezia.Whatis
presenceor
archaeological
societies?
absenceof state-like
Zambezia generallyrefersto all thoseregionsdrainedby the Zambezi River
and the Zimbabwe plateau (Pikirayi 2001:3). It covered five countriesin
Southernand SoutheastAfricaincludingZambia, Zimbabwe,Botswana,South
of social complexAfrica,and Mozambique.The earliestrecordedmanifestations
Zambezia.
in
Southern
are
Africa

southern
and
in
central
ityand stateformation
Zimbabwe
in
the
research
and
Both in termsof coverage,prominence controversy,
the
has
dominated
on GreatZimbabwe
(e.g.,
region'sarchaeology
plateaucentered
1996;
1970; Hall 1990; Huffinan
Bent 1892; Beach 1980, 1998; Caton-Thompson
toby
referred
thisregion,commonly
Ndoro2001; Pikirayi
2001; Soper2006). Within
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AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152

136

have defineda numberof
as theZimbabweCulture,archaeologists
archaeologists
chiefdoms
and states.
The ZimbabweCultureis characterized
by thepresenceof massivestonewalls
builtin a varietyof styles(Pikirayi2001:3, see also Huffman1996). Datingfrom
theZimbabweCulture
theeleventhto thelatenineteenth
centuries,
approximately
can be dividedintothreemainculturalperiods.The firstphase,theMapungubwe
AD. The
untilthelatethirteenth
century
century
phase,datefromthemid-eleventh
forthisfirstphase,attained
thetype-site
siteof Mapungubwe,
regionalprominence
equivalentto a
managingtheresourcesof a territory

century,
duringthethirteenth
2001:3). The secondphaseis the
stateinbothpoliticalandeconomicterms(Pikirayi
1270 to 1550 AD. The second
GreatZimbabwephase datingfromapproximately
bythecityof GreatZimbabwe.The thirdphasedatedfromthe
phaseis highlighted
sixteenth
and was based at theMutapastateand theTorwapolity(Pikirayi
century
2001:3). Althoughforpurposesof thispaper,we focuson thefirsttwo phases- we cannoteffectively
of
assesstheemergence
Mapungubweand GreatZimbabwe
cultural
theregion's
thesestatesregionaldominancewithoutfirstrevisiting
history
's ascension.
priorto Mapungubwe
From Pastoralismto Farming
and opensavannagrasslands
ofthefertile
The earliestknowninhabitants
highlands
Mitchell
of Zambeziawerehunter-gatherers
2002; Walker1995).
2007;

(Huffinan
land
the
communities
These hunter-gatherer
exploitingits resources,
managed
Atabout150 BC,
until
the
late
Holocene.
on stone-tool
technology
primarily
relying
faunaofBos
of
domestic
The
theregionwitnessed
a majortransformation. recovery
the
a
of
sites
at number
indicasand ovicapridsandpottery
suggests appearanceand
initiationof pastoralismto complementforagingas the primarymeans of

to
these initialtransformations
have attributed
subsistence.Most archaeologists
one
than
were
subtler
we
believe
that
the
However,
merely
dynamics
migration.
superior
wayofmakinga living,and
groupmovingintotheregion,witha relatively
(Pikirayi2001:73). The earlyfirst
originalinhabitants
completelyoverwhelming
millennium
in southernZambezia were thus foragingand
subsistencestrategies
and the archaeologicalevidencesuggeststhatthe latterincreasingly
pastoralism
became the moredominantsubsistencestrategy
as morepeople acquiredcows.
as thosewithmorecows carriedwith

Pastoralism
usheredin thegermof inequality
fewpastoralsitesare
themhighereconomicand social status.Althoughrelatively
withsemi-sedentary
have
dotted
the
would
been
known, landscape
archaeologically
of
Khoisan
and
pastoralcamps,hamlets, villages
speakers(Pikirayi2001:77).
The firstreportedevidenceof whatwould appearto be agrariancommunities
of
AD (Pikirayi2001:80). Interestingly
themajority
datesto the firstmillennium
fromeastern
southern
Africanists
attribute
thesechangesto Bantuspeakingmigrants
and north-central
Africa.The evidence is drawnfromthe appearancein the
distinctive

record
of a completetoolkitofirontechnology,
ceramics,
archaeological
and new crops(Huffman
Mitchell
2002:259; Pikirayi2001:80). Farming,
1982;
put
moreaccurately
all combinedto createa more
gardening,
herding,and foraging,
diversified
economyresultingin demographic
growth(Huffman1996). By the
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AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152

137

AD the farming
had crossedtheLimpopointo
or fifthcentury
fourth

technology
south(Hall 1990; Mitchell2002; Pikirayi
northern
SouthAfricaand areas further
2001:79; Van derMerwe1969; see Mitchell2002 formorecitations).
AD was dottedwithtemporary
The Zambezialandscapeof thefirstmillennium
and
settlerocksheiter
settlements,
semi-sedentary
camps
villages,and permanent
in
both
wereextremely
ments.Farmingandpastoralism
significant transforming the
tradeflourished
mindset
andthelandscape.Local andinterregional
cultural
amongst
and pottersprospered.
Iron smelters,
blacksmiths,
herders,and farmers.
foragers,
changeswereregional.Many
Changewas in theairand itwas rapid.Demographic

areasbecamelargeras
now
Residential
were
settled.
uninhabited
areaspreviously
wealth
and statusbut also
did gardensand farmsteads.
Owningcattlesignified
that
animalsand
"domestic
Mitchell(2002:288)proposes
laborto maintain.
required
this
of
storage cerealssuggests musthave
long-term
cropsimplyprivateproperty;
withinvillages."Presumably
withinfamiliesor perhapscentrally
been controlled
beliefsand ancestorcults
affiliated
rightsand an adherenceto territorially
property
at thistime(Pikirayi2001:79).

wereestablished
the interaction
firstmillennium
Towardsthe mid/late
spherein Zambeziahad
and
trade
extendedto otherareas.Long-distance
exchangewiththecoasthad been
wealth
meansofaccumulating
the
one
of
chief
became
and increasingly
established
The
and
and farming
in additionto pastoralism
hunting
(Mitchell2002:288,2005).
of
indicates
the
sites
at
evidenced

complexity
larger
processingof ivoryforexport
of
in
the
investment
which
coastal-Zambezian
procurement
promoted
relationships,
in
infrastructure
the
investment
demand
tradeitemsin highdemand.Such
required
necessaryforproducingthese items.Specializedcraftactivities,such as ivory
sites also servedas catalystsfor
working,recoveredon largerfirstmillennium
iron
workingand gold mining.Ivory
developmentof relatedcraftsincluding
whowouldhavesoughtto
createda groupofhighlyspecializedhunters
procurement
with
thecoastthusindirectly

Trade
their
to
thespecializedknowledge
restrict
group.
In Mitchell's
of
Zambezia.
thelocal andregionalpoliticaleconomy
helpeddiversify
the
and
of
trade
the
facilitated
possibilities
expansion
words,"suchspecialisation...
for individualsor groups to benefit...at the expense of others,including
foraccumulating
largerherdsof cattle"(2002:289). In thisregard
opportunities
in
andstableclimate,investment
favorable
food
growth, security,
rapiddemographic

the
to
combined
trade
and
lay
long-distance
highlyspecializedcraftactivities,
for the developmentof the largerchiefdomsto become statesin
foundations
Zambezia(Manyanga2006:21).
southern
amounts
AD greater
millennium
In sum,itis evidentthatby themidto latefirst
in the
of
societies
certain
conferred
were
of wealthand status
segments
upon
being
were
and
skins
millennium

first
late
the
AD, ivory
region(Manyanga2006:139).By
between
like
Chibuene
with
sites
interfacing
alreadybeing exportedoverseas,
traderoutes(Mitchell2002:300;Pwiti2005; Sinclair1982;
andtransoceanic
interior
Sinclairand Hakansson2000). The presenceof craftspecializationand material
symbolsof highstatusaretelling,and we can infertheonsetof social stratification
unseenin the region.The germfor
on a level heretofore
and privateproperty
social complexityand state developmenthad been
hierarchicalrelationships,
thesefarming
villages
planted.By the earlycenturiesof the secondmillennium,
and theresmall-scale
"Here
established.
well
and theirlifewayshad become

4ySpringer

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138

AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:13 1-152

confederations
of subsistencefarmerslived in stableagricultural
regimenswell
adaptedto theirnaturalsurroundings,
adjustingto thesechangesin theirsocial
environment"
communities
2001:95).Thesefarming
represented
politically
(Pikirayi
autonomous
villagesthatwouldsoon becamestates.
Precursorto State Development:Bambandyanalo
The Iron Age sites knownas Mapungubweand Bambandyanaloon the farm
westof themoderntownofMusinain theLimpopoProvinceof South
Greefswald,
Africa,have arousedsignificant
speculationeversincetheirdiscoveryin theearly
ofredsandstone

1930s(Fagan 1964:337).Theareaconsistsofa number
hills,which
focusedon
main
have
been
activities
seemto
thegeologyofthearea.The
dominate
are
where
mounds
Hill and its adjacentvalley,
extensive
located,
Bambandyanalo
to theeast,whereextensivesettlement
and MapungubweHilljust overa kilometer
was foundon the hill,its adjacentslope/terrace
and base. Bambandyanalo
(also
in
knownas K2 afterthemoundsfound theNearEast) is locatedat theGreefswald
K2 has massive
southof the Shashi-Limpopo
confluence.
farm,a fewkilometers
middensmixedwithdesiccateddung,measuring200 m across (Huffman2005,
2007; Robinson1966; Pikirayi2001:107; Summers1967). Stratigraphie

profiles
haverevealedthattheoccupantssettledin theBambandyanalo
valleyby successive
debristhat
or continuousoccupations,and accumulatedthe moundof habitation
survivestoday (Fagan 1964:338). Possessing culturalremainsrelatedto the
the site dates fromthe tenthto eleventhcenturies
Leopard's Kopje tradition,
It
a
was
substantial
(Pikirayi2001:107).
village,partof a settlement
systemthat
includedSchroda,6 km to thenortheast,
and otherZhizho and Leopard'sKopje
villages (Pikirayi2001:107). Comparedto otherperiods,the K2/Mapungubwe
a timeofintenseoccupation
andexpansionintheregion,withsites
periodrepresents
oriented
towardtheriversand floodplains
(Manyanga2006:80).
The large,circularmoundof occupationdebrisof Bambandyanalo
measures
some 182 m in diameter
and up to 6m deep at itshighestpoint(Fagan 1964:338).
The mainmiddenat Bambandyanalo,
datingbetween1030and 1220AD, standsout

abovethesurrounding
morethan6 m deepin someplaces
occupationarea,reaching
more
than
8
ha
and possiblyhousingas manyas
(Mitchell2002:300). Covering
the
settlement
consisted
of
houseswithgravelfloors
2,000 people,
pole-and-daga
focusedaroundand to thewestof a largebyre(Mitchell2002:300-301).
The people at Bambandyanalo
were cattleherdersand elephanthunterswho
workedextensively
in ivoryand bone (Fagan 1964:10,343; Pikirayi2001:107).
while
Theywerealso agriculturalists.
Ivorywas carvedintobanglesand bracelets,
bone was made intopoints.Whiletheseproductsweretradedlocallyat first,
they
wereexchangedout of theregionforglass beads obtainedfromas thecoast and
townslikeChibuene(Pikirayi2001:109; Sinclair1982). The townhad thusgained
Radiocarbondatesfromtestexcavations
prominence

by theearlyeleventhcentury.
indicate successive house floors and great amountsof domesticrefuse all
accumulatedwithina shortperiodof time,maybea singlegeneration
(Pikirayi
was
2001:109). Thoughresearchers
disagreeas to exactlywhenBambandyanalo
it
is
clear
that
was
short-lived
and
abandonment
was
abandoned,
occupation
Ô Springer

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AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152

139

ofpowerto nearbyMapungubwe
Hill (Mitchell

somewhat
sudden,witha transition
2002:302; Pikirayi2001:109). Accordingto Pikirayi(2001:107), the town of
Bambandyanalorepresentsa significantstep in the developmentof social
in theregion.
complexity
havebeenexcavatedthere,buriedwithpottery
and some
skeletons
Seventy-four
werenormally
lyingon theirsidesin a
jaws ofcattle.Thebodiesofthe74 skeletons
flexedposition,surrounded
by pots (Fagan 1964:339,Meyer 1998; Steyn1997;
1995a,b, 1996,1997).A studyofat least40 oftheindividuals
SteynandHenneberg
by Galloway(1959) proposedthatthe remainswere likelyto be of pre-Bantu
in culture.
populationsof the "Boskop-Bush"in physicaltypeand "Hottentot"
Gallowayalso arguedthatthe remainscould not have been Bantu since they
Laterresearchindicatedthattheseindividuals
non-Bantucharacteristics.
exhibited
of these
wereBantu(Rightmire
1970); thejuryis stillout on theethnicidentity
to
settle
the

people.More research,includinggeneticstudies,wouldbe necessary
of thepeopleof Bambandyanalo.
questionof theethnicidentity
Accordingto Fagan (1964), the firstoccupantsof MapungubweHill werethe
in its lateststages,and theiroccupationis
people who occupiedBambandyanalo
sealedfromthelaterlevelsby a layerofblackash. Thereis a completebreakin the
irontoolsmaketheir
sequenceatthisstage,andspindlewhorlsandabundant
pottery
at
structures
along
appear Mapungubwe,
daga
complicated
appearance.In addition,
thatby the
Takenin sum,thereare indications
withgold and copperornaments.
in the
's abandonment
's occupationandBambandyanalo
ofMapungubwe
emergence
in
the
area
were
social

during
occurring
changes
profound
century,
earlythirteenth
thistransitionary
phase(Fagan 1964:339;Mitchell2002:302).
social changes,markedby BambandyaWhatwas thenatureof theseprofound
into
of Bantumigrants
The incursions
them?
caused
and what
nalo's abandonment,
hosts
seem
of
their
milieu
the
cultural
into
theareaandtheirincorporation
plausible
intermarriage,
expansiondueto naturalgrowth,
(Fagan 1964:352).Rapidpopulation
tensions may explain the rapid expansion and

migrations,and interethnic
in favorof Mapungubwe.This view is bolstered
of Bambandyanalo
abandonment
of continuous
theinterruption
evidenceindicating
occupation
by thearchaeological
in
Greefswald
the
of
new
the
arrival
at Bambandyanalo
regionin the1lth
groups
by
BrianFagan (1964:340) believedthatit was theseimmigrants
alongwith
century.
of
inhabitants
first
were
the
who
thecitizensof Bambandyanalo,

Mapungubwe.
recordshowsthatthesecondhalfof thefirst
thearchaeological
As statedearlier,
based
subsistence
witnessed
millennium
changesin landuse fromprimary
profound
and
and
of
combination
to a
strategies.
agrarian pastoral foraging
uponpastoralism
themeis stilla dominant
Africa,but
Themigration
wayofseeingchangein southern
therange
to fullyparsethrough
is necessary
research
we believemorearchaeological
with
thepreinteracted
newcomers

how
the
of possibleinterpretations
regarding
site's
to
the
relate
how
these
and
at
changes
existingpopulations Bambandyanalo,
in
mosaic
ethnic
that
the
We
of
the
and occupation Mapungubwe. posit
abandonment
and
conflict.
both
characterized
been
has

often
Africaand elsewhere
cooperation
by
ethnicaffiliations
whichpeopleofdifferent
to themeansthrough
refers
Cooperation
zones
but complementary
different
amicablyfinda way of
ecological
inhabiting
and
of
bloodbrotherhood
In easternAfricatheinstitutionalization
resources.
sharing
and
trade
to
foes
been
have
enabledthosewho wouldotherwise
freely
sisterhood

£} Springer

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AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152

140

domains;forexample,somegroupsgavepassage
trespassintoeachother'sterritorial
to competition
refers
in exchangeforsharingtheivory.Conflict
to elephanthunters
whichwouldhaveincludedgoodpastureandarableland,andcoveted
overresources,
andextra-regionally
tradeitemsin highdemandregionally
(Herlehy1984; Kusimba
stress
and Kusimba2005; Stahl2005). It is thusquiteplausiblethatdemographic
were
these
Whether
tensions.
of ethnicand territorial
carriedwithit undercurrents
For

revisited.
needs
to
be
sporadicoutbreaksof violenceor full-scalewarfare
of
conflict
be
indicative
Hill
example,couldthelayerofblackash at Mapungubwe
sealedbelowthelayerharkens
pattern
especiallywhenwe considerthatthecultural
above the
whereaspatterns
back to the pre-IronAge cultureat Bambandyanalo,
Bantu?
cultureof the
layerbelongto theironworking
of its materialculture,
and intensity
In sum,despiteits size and the diversity
The settlement
of
its
abandonment.
the
time
was notyeta stateby

Bambandyanalo
the
had becomea centrallocationforan aggregating
population, signaledinitial
indicates
of urbanism.However,the archaeologicalrecordstrongly
manifestation
over
and
control
centralization
lackeda highlevelof political
thatBambandyanalo
3
a
level
it
as
defines
variousaspectsof culturallife.Huffman
town,
(2005, 2007)
andmortuary
in craftspecialization
withregionalchiefdoms.
Diversity
synonymous
which
ethnic,gender,and class differentiation,
pointto social inequalities,

patterns
toward
its
was
on
Zambezia
are all typicalin complexsocieties.Southern
way
statehood.
EmergingStatehood:Mapungubwe
The hillknownas Mapungubwe('thehilloftheJackals')standsoutconspicuously
over61 m high
cliffs,
it,bothbecauseof itsprecipitous
amongstthosethatsurround
it
around
of
the
wide
in places,and because
(Fagan 1964:338).Locatedjust
valley
east of Bambandyanalo
overa kilometer
steep
Hill, Mapungubweis a flat-topped,
side of
m across.On the southern
80-100

m
and
sided hill measuring350 long
terraceof occupationdebris,occupiedat thesame
Mapungubweis a well-defined
is
flat
andcontainsremainsofeliteresidences
timeas thehill.Thehill'stop
(Pikirayi
in the
to
have
The
town
developedbeneathfromthesouthwest
2001:115).
appears
the
hill
extended
towards
and
of
the
eleventh
middle
top reachingthe
century
in

twelfth
summit the early
century(Hall 1990:77; Pikirayi2001:115). Mapunto
intheregion,was spatially
settlements
organized
gubwe,likemanycontemporary
werelocatedon thehilltop,andthesteepEliteresidences
reflect
statusdifferences.
sidednatureof thehill and its limitedaccess to thesummitafforded
rulingelites
with much needed security(Pikirayi2008, personalcommunication).
Ordinary
distanceinthevalleys.Bothresidential
citizenshomeswereoftenbuilta respectable
or
referto as centralcattlepattern
typesare characterized
by whatarchaeologists
Elite
Huffman
ZimbabwePattern
2005,2007; Manyanga2006:140).
(Hall 1990:82;
andhavecometo symbolizea
residences
wereconstructed
of drystonearchitecture
ones

to hierarchical
of
from
more
heterarchical
forms
social
organization
departure
Pattern.
as
the
Zimbabwe
defines
in southern
Huffman
which
Africa,
(1986c,2007)
for elites. For
on the hilltopwere clearlyconstructed
Residentialstructures
of
and
themajority
livestock
at
and
satellite
its

towns,
major
example, Mapungubwe
â Springer

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AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152

141

foronlya
livedbeneaththehill,thetopofwhichwas reserved
thehumanpopulation
small part of the community(Hall 1990:82; Huffman1996, 2005, 2007).
findsrecoveredat theelitehomesincludehighlypolishedpottery
Archaeological
in diverseformsand styles,gold beads and wirebangles,ironand copperobjects,
and tradebeads (Pikirayi2001:115). Elite burialsat the summitof thehill were
richlyadorned(Hall 1990:77). The hilltopwas the mostdesirablepiece of real
estate.Old and decrepithomeswould be leveledand new ones builtinsteadof
residences
werecharacterized
commoner
In contrast,
bymud-on-wooden
relocating.
framehomesthatwereoftensurrounded

by a woodenand sometimesstonewall.
Homes were oftenlocated adjacentto cattlecorals to the point where it is
to tease out the preciselocationsof homes and cattle
difficult
archaeologically
findsat theselocationsare dominated
corals.Archaeological
by utilitarian
pottery
at hilltopresidences
to thatrecovered
inferior
thatis qualitatively
(Manyanga2006).
and longThe politicaleconomyof Mapungubwewas based on agropastoralism
theeasternKalaharisandveldof Botswana,
distancetrade.Regionaltradeinvolving
south-western
Zimbabwe, northernSouth Africa and southernMozambique
towns. The circulationsof
flourishedbetweenMapungubweand surrounding
objects(copperand iron),and cattleformedthe
produce,metallurgical
agricultural
ofhugecollections
backboneofregionaltrade(Manyanga2006:140).The recovery
of tradeitemsincludingceramicsand glass beads at manysites in the ShashiLimpopoValleyand beyondpointsto tradewiththecoast(Mitchell2005; Pikirayi
have emphasizedtrade
archaeologists
1993; Pwiti2005; Sinclair1987). Recently,

therole regionaltradehad on theregion's
withthecoast,sometimesminimizing
on an
merelyinterlocked
economy.We believethatcoastaltrade,whileimportant,
organized(Pikirayi
economythatwas alreadyhighlydevelopedandquitecomplexly
2001:116;Pwiti2005; Wood2000).
and irontoolsleaveslittledoubtthat
The qualityoffinished
bone,ivory,pottery,
in
Investment
and highlyskilledcraftspeople.
thiswas theworkof well-financed
time
timeandtraining
engaged
pointstothepossiblepresenceoffull-time specialists
of theregionaleconomyand
and further
in craftactivities,
suggeststherobustness
to investin qualityproductsby elites.Hall (1990:80) is
theabilityand willingness
between
convincedthatMapungubwehad gained statestatus.Clear distinctions
and
werebeingmadein all areasof dailylife,consumption,
rulersand commoners

in
three
of
mortuary
practices.For instance,therecoveryof numerousitems gold
burialsbetraysthehighstatusof thoseindividuals(Mitchell2002:303). The gold
bowl, and scepterrecoveredfroma male burialat MapungubweHill
rhinoceros,
suggeststhatgold had become a symbolof royaltyand its use and circulation
withan elite
to therulingclass elite.Thisevidencestandsin starkcontrast
restricted
hundred
several
thatwas accompaniedby
child'sburialfromBambandyanalo
glass
beads, and seven largeturquoiseexamplesof probableChineseorigin(Mitchell
to a rarer
2002:303). As beads becamemorecommonin theregion,elitesshifted
commoners.
from
social distance
prestigeitem gold to maintain
thestatusof
had attained
Atthezenithin thelateeleventhcentury,
Mapungubwe
statecapital.Itsleadersboastedcontrolof a vastregionheldtogether
by a complex

and a tributary
networkof economic and social interaction
system(Pikirayi
centerforcraftitems
manufacturing
2001:116). The townservedas the primary
Atthe
andelitepottery.
ironandcopperobjects,copperwire,carvedivory,
including
Ô Springer

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AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152

142

sametime,thetownmonopolized
thedistribution
ofexoticafromthecoastincluding
glass beads (Davison 1972; Popelkaet al. 2005). The presenceof externaltrade
of southern
Africaintothe
acrosstheIndianOcean also indicatestheincorporation
theirposition
consolidate
globalinteraction

spherethatenabledlocal elitesto further
as theyextendedtheirreach to frontier
regionsthroughalliance buildingand
of coercion(Kusimba2007).
coercionor threat
is in partcloselyalliedwiththe
The rapidriseof Mapungubweto prominence
atBambandyanalo.
However,inthesecondhalfofthetwelfth
century,
developments
The periodbetween
cracksbeganto developin a once well-articulated
hierarchy.
1100 and 1220 AD was characterized
declinein qualityof life,
by civil unrest,2
of the
The majority
in size of farmland.
decline,and severereduction
demographic
town'sresidentsmovedto otherregions,creatinga smalleralbeitimpoverished
The hillwas reoccupiedafter1250 AD, whensomeof thestonewalls
community.
have
's declineandabandonment
wereerectedas well.The reasonsforMapungubwe
believes
thatMapunnot yet been satisfactorily

explained.Mitchell(2002:302)
was due to a complexseriesof social
gubwe's declineand eventualabandonment
in
arecommonintheareaanditis plausiblethatshifts
andpoliticalevents.Droughts
control
over
environmental
conditions
destabilized
thestatusquo andweakenedelite
social, ritual,economicand politicalpower.Leaders who failedto fulfilltheir
citizens' needs oftenlost legitimacyand foundthemselvesisolated.In most
instancesin Africaand elsewhere,
peopleelectedto votewiththeirfeet.This was
of Mapungubwe,
the
chief
reason
for
therapiddepopulation
By 1300
verylikely
shifted
based
was
and
the
no

AD, Mapungubwe
politicalpower
longerinhabited
thiscollapsehad
northon theZimbabwePlateau(Pikirayi2001:116). Apparently,
to do withclimatechangeas was oncebelieved(see forexampleTysonand
nothing
Lindesay1992; Tysonet al. 2000, 2002) butmayhavebeendue to politicalfactors
(Smithet al. 2007).
In sum, despite its short-lived
as a city,
history,Mapungubwefunctioned
of
a
a
state: politicallyorganized
satisfactorily
fitting
Trigger's(2003:92) criteria
societythat is regardedby those who live in it as sovereignor politically
and has leaderswho controlits social,political,legal,economic,and
independent
cultural
was a sociallystratified
activities.
society.Ithadan urbancore
Mapungubwe
and significant
wealthin thehandsof a fewof its citizensand a largecommoner
The town'selitehad developednetworks

of allianceand economicties
population.
to regionsbeyond,includingthe Swahili coast 640 km away. Withoutdoubt,
Mapungubwewas thefirststateto emergein theregion.
Great Zimbabwe: A TerritorialState?
Followingthe decline of Mapungubwein the late thirteenth
century,
political
centralization
shiftedmore than 300 km northward
Zimbabwe
to south-central
centeredon GreatZimbabwe(Caton-Thompson
1970; Garlake 1983; Huffman
Ndoro
controlled
1996;Manyanga2006;
2001; Pikirayi
2001:123).Majorcenters
by
2 The evidenceforthisis inferred
fromseveralwidespread
burning
episodesat thesitebeforeand after
1250 AD (Mitchell2002: 302).
Ô Springer

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AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152

143

a powerfulelitearose at Chivowa,Gumanye,and GreatZimbabweHill (Pikirayi
2001:123; Sinclair1987). Usuallyknownas ZimbabweTraditionsites,afterthe
flat
type-siteat GreatZimbabweHill, theywere generallylocatedon fortified
consolidated
to permanent
and
springs.As theleadership
hilltopsin close proximity
thesesettlements
morewealth,theyfortified
accumulated
creatinghill-toppalaces
viewsof thesurrounding
thatafforded
leaderscommanding
landscape(Manyanga
themfromthosebelow.In contrast
to
camouflaging
2006:82) whilesimultaneously
and Mapungubwesites whichwere locatedon terraces,the
K2/Bambandyanalo
to moreelevatedhilltopswithfortifications
andwater

shifted
Zimbabwesettlements
(Manyanga2006:82). The declineof Mapungubwepartiallycaused by drought
and warfare
usheredin the
relatedstress,severewatershortage,
famine,
pestilence,
rise of GreatZimbabweas the most powerfulurbancomplex.In time,Great
ofalliedlineagesand
Zimbabwewas to becomethecenterof a powerful
hegemony
Zambezia,andthemostcommanding
by farthelargestprecolonialstatein southern
Africaand, in moderntimes,the prideof Africa(Pikirayi
presencein southern
2001:124).
The cityof GreatZimbabwecovered720 ha and was one of thelargestin subSaharan Africa (Sinclair et al. 1993). A perimeterwall enclosed two main
theHill ComplexandtheGreatEnclosure.Outsidetheseeliteresidences
complexes,
or vassalsof theelites.Significant
livedup to 20,000people,doubtlesscommoners
evidenceof ritualis foundin eliteresidencesof theHill Complex,includingsix
andthe
stonearchitecture,
tothissite.Spatialsegregation,
soapstonebirdsdistinctive
of the ZimbabweHill were all meantto establishand separateelite
prominence
The extentof theGreatZimbabwestatehas been

spacesand elitedecision-making.
in southat 50,000 km2,includingmuchof the Save-Rundecatchment
estimated
centralZimbabwe,whichwas a majorconduitto thecoastaltrading
portssuchas
is dottedwithstoneruins,hometo vassals thatcontrolled
Sofala.This hinterland
and exchangedgold forcattle,clothand beads withthekingsof
territories
distinct
Zimbabwe.
Archaeologists
place the foundingof GreatZimbabwe,by Leopard's Kopje
AD (Beach 1980,
farmers
(the ancestorsof modernShona),to the tenthcentury
over
was
believethesettlement constructed
1998; Pikirayi2001:124). Researchers
Ndoro
900 AD (Huffman1996;
severalcenturiesstartingfromapproximately
and
of resourcerichareas includingwell-watered
2001:22). Elite monopolization
local
and
of
and

control
in thecrafts
fertile
pastureland,coupledwithinvestment
much
for
wouldhave createdopportunities accumulating
regionalmarketsystems,
wealth.The accumulatedwealthwas in the formof cattle,food,women,and
thelocal craft
earlierGreatZimbabweelitesfinanced
Like Mapungubwe,
children.
and smithing,
industries
elephanthunting
includingironand gold mining,smelting
and carving.These craftswerelaborintensive
and ivorycarvingand stonecutting
skills
withmanagerial
andwerecarriedouton a scalethatrequiredastuteleadership
12th
Great
the
works.
to workon public
and herders
to compelfarmers
century,

By
east and addedthecoastas a major
Zimbabweeliteshad extendedtheirnetworks
tradingpartner(Kusimba 2007; Pikirayi2001:125; Pwiti 2005; Sinclair 1982;
Sinclairand Hakansson2000). Wealthdrawnfromregionaland coastaltradewas
in dry masonrystone architecture.
large enoughto encourageelite investment
to drystone
frommudand daub structures
in buildingtechnology
Transformations
Ö Springer

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144

masonryresidencessurroundedby perimeterwalls duringthe 13thcentury
institutionalized
inequality,whose foundationhad been laid several centuries
earlierbeginningwith Bambandyanalo.By 1270 an elaborateurban complex
coveringmanyvillagesand smallertownsand centeredon GreatZimbabwehad
Africa(Pikirayi2001:125).Thiscomplexwas engagedwithits
emergedin southern
in all directions
that

extended
intomodernday Botswana,SouthAfrica,
hinterland
Zambia,and Mozambique.
The city of Great Zimbabwewas a metropoliswith many neighborhoods,
ritualcenters,publicceremonialcourts,publicforums,
includingeliteresidences,
as
well
as
houses
for
and artisans(Pikirayi
commoners
markets,
2001:129).The site
within
a
a
broad
a
covered
area, housing largepopulation
complexof massive
can
be
divided
into threemain
The
walled structures

city
(Pikirayi2001:129).
and the
the
Great
Enclosure
Hill
architectural
these
the
zones,
Complex,
being
Hill
the
Great
In
between
the
ruins
Enclosure,
Complex,
(Ndoro2001:24).
Valley
and the Valley was a large,open, and apparently
unoccupiedspace (Pikirayi
walls wereconstructed
to enclosethesesites,withperipheral
2001:131). Perimeter
outsideof thewalls accommodating

settlements
populationgrowthand otherurban
functions."The analyses of spatial organizationdelineatea complex social
in whichauthority
and powerwere delegatedto an elitesector,that
organization
ofpoliticalandceremonial
demonstrated
itsstatusnotonlybybeingin theforefront
the
residences"
medium
of
its
but
(Pikirayi2001:134). Functional
displays through
- the
of theurbancenter
as well as social divisionsoccurredin themainprecincts
Hill Complex,the Great Enclosure,the Valley complexes,and the peripheral
residencesweredelineated(Pikirayi2001:134).
ofa state.
Froman archaeological
GreatZimbabwecarriedthefeatures
standpoint
The societywas clearlysociallystratified,
withconsiderablewealthand power
As notedby
in thehandsof an upperstrataof community

members.
concentrated
material
include
both
and
markers
for
states
(1998),
temples royalresidences.
Flannery
theurbancomplex.Whilethereis debateaboutexactlywhere
Botharevisiblewithin
itis clearis thatroyalty
someofthesestructures
werelocatedwithin
theurbancomplex,
frompublic
and spiritual
mediumsresidedwithinenclosures
builtof stone,protected
view and access. Furthermore,
it is clearthatthecityand its surrounding
vicinity
andits
featured
a significant
sizesforthesettlement
Estimated

population.
population
1990:
to
immediate
areahaverangedfroma fewthousand
116;Ndoro
up 30,000(Hall
between
and
estimates
a
of
11,000
18,000,
2001:22).Pikirayi
(2001:130)
population
withthemajority
livingin housesoutsideofthestoneenclosures.
Accordingto Trigger(2003:99), urbancentersoftencontained20% to 80% or
more of the total populationof a city-state.
These urban centerswere often
surrounded
a
number
of
smaller
and
by

dispersedvillages or hamlets.Several
thatthe
Benin.We can thusextrapolate
hundredvillages,forexample,surrounded
the
lands
between
of
the
Great
Zimbabwe
was
extensive,
including
territory
polity
easternKalahariandtheIndianOcean,andtheheartland
was a highplateaubetween
is
the Zambezi and Limpopo rivers(Hall 1990:91). Settlementstratification
exhibitedin thearea forthestateof Zimbabwe,witha numberof townsthathad
are
stonewalls
ofdistinctive
ofdecorations.
"Theseconstructions
designandpatterns
knownas madzimbahwe
the
Shona

term
the
of
for
residence
(singular,
dzimbahwe),
a chief (Hall 1990:92;Hannan1974).
Ö Springer

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AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152

145

are known,mostlyon theedges of theZimbabwe
Morethan50 madzimbahwe
thelowlandsoftheLimpopoandSabi riverstothesouthandeast
plateauoverlooking
that
and theZambezivalleyto thenorth(Hall 1990:92).Hall (1990:92) maintains
Great Zimbabwe may have operatedas a capital for regionalmadzimbahwe
wereusuallylocatedon elevated
thearea.The madzimbahwe
settlements
throughout
bouldersandothernatural

features.
hilltopsandoftenenclosedbywallingconnecting
builtstonewalls clearlyservedto set thosewho lived in the
"The carefully
dzimbahweapartfromthe majorityof thepopulationand occasionallythereare
includeitemsof
of highstatus"(Hall 1990:93).Theseindications
otherindications
a dzimbahwelocatednearthesouthern
copper,beads,and ivory.At Chumnungwa,
containing
gold
edge of theZimbabweplateau,sevenburialshave been unearthed
housesof the
gravegoods (Garlake1973). It is probablethatthewood-and-plaster
has
all thewalledhills,and thisinterpretation
ordinary
populaceonce surrounded
workat severalsites(Hall 1990:93).Much,and
been supported
by archaeological
of the populationof earlyZimbabwelived away fromthe
perhapsthe majority,
in smallvillagesthatfellwithinthepoliticalandeconomicdomainof
madzimbahwe
the regionalcentersof the capitalitself,and theremay have been hundredsof
thispattern
(Hall 1990:93).
villagesfitting

recordfortheZimbabwestate,it is apparentthatthe
Giventhearchaeological
stateoperatedas a set of regionalcentersfromwhichmembersof the nobility
signifiedtheirauthorityover the mass of the populationby lavish public
architecture,
symbolsof status,and ideologicalcontrol.Pikirayi(2008, personal
maintainsthatGreatZimbabwearchitecture
playedan important
communication)
a
been
andhas always
potentsymbolof wealth,
history,
ideologicalrolethroughout
and the objectof the
the
basis
status,and power.Accordingto Hall (1990:95),
that
of transactions
network
politicalcontrolwas controlovertheeconomy "the
state
the
and the capitaland, beyondthis,
linkedpeasantvillages,madzimbahwe
thepeasantvillageswere
world."In sucha system,
itselfwiththewidercommercial

internal
"Thus
the
andtribute.
themainsourceofsurplusproduction
economyofthe
the
Zimbabwestatemusthaveinvolvedagropastoral
beyond needsofthe
production
thebasis
an
generating economicsurpluswhichformed
villagecommunity,
ordinary
thepoliticaleconomy"(Hall 1990:96).
thatconstituted
of thetransactions
statespossess a ruler
As statedearlier,Trigger(2003:92) writesthatterritorial
of provincialand
a
multileveled
who governeda largerregionthrough
hierarchy
We argue
centers.
administrative
of
in a corresponding

local administrators
hierarchy
Zimbabwe
Great
at
its
thatthe materialrecordsuggeststhat
may have
height
For
to
concur.
seem
researchers
state.Other
instance,
operatedas moreofa territorial
thatGreatZimbabwecannotbe
maintains
Pikirayi(2006, personalcommunication)
fortheobviousreasonsconnectedwithsettlement
perceivedsimplyas a city-state
Zimbabwebetween1300 and 1450 AD.
in south-central
and hierarchies
patterns
assertto the primacyor dominanceof GreatZimbabweover
"These hierarchies
other Zimbabwe(royal) settlementsin the region" (Pikirayi2006, personal
Furthermore,

accordingto Ndoro (2001:22), GreatZimbabwe's
communication).
of
andthedomination
cropcultivation,
powerwas basedmainlyon cattlehusbandry,
Indian
Ocean
and
the
Zimbabwe
traderoutesbetweenthegoldfieldson the
plateau
in the east,withtradecontactsbetweenZimbabweand the Swahilicoast having
well before900 AD (Kusimba1999).
beenestablished
£} Springer

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AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152

146

of ZimbabweCulture
spatialdistribution
Accordingly,
giventhelargeterritorial

sites and the controlof traderoutesto the coast, we would categorizeGreat
state.More regionalarchaeological
Zimbabweas a territorial
surveysfollowedby
intensiveand extensivehorizontaland verticalexcavationsare necessaryto
intrasite
and intersite
relationships
chronology,
completelymap site distribution,
studywill
(Sinclairet al 1993). Materialremainsrecoveredfromsucha long-term
its
over surrounding
and authority
serveto place GreatZimbabwe'sreal influence
thathas been
and moveus beyondthecurrent
and adjacenthinterlands
posturing
partof the debateof Zimbabwe'sgreatness(e.g., Garlake1973, 1978; Huffman
examplewould
1982, 1996; Ndoro2001; Pikirayi2001). Our favorite
comparative
Cuzco
andheld
stateinAndeanSouthwhoseleadersresidedat
be theIncaterritorial
scattered
centers

over a numberof provincialadministrative
powerand authority
the polity'shinterland
(Arkushand Stanish2005; D'Altroy 2002;
throughout
Hemming1970; Moseley2001). It seemsverylikelyas Manyanga(2006) points
scale
out,thatGreatZimbabweoperatedin a similarcapacity,albeiton a different
thanitsSouthAmericancounterpart.
Discussion:Pathwaysto Complexity
thatthe
In thisarticlewe have made a strongcase in supportof the hypothesis
of
level
Basin had attainedsome
of theShashi-Limpopo
inhabitants
socio-political
AD whichhad readiedtheirsocietiesto depart
by the 11thcentury
sophistication
and hierarchical
to heterarchical
formations
fromlargelyacephalousand egalitarian
cultural
societies(Huffman
2005, 2007; Manyanga2006:142). The
sequencesof
and

southernZambezia,fromBambandyanaloto Mapungubwe
finallyto Great
of factors
thata combination
Zimbabwe,makeitapparent
propelledtheregionon a
livestockproduction,
sedentism,
regionand
agriculture,
pathto social complexity:
climatic
Favorable
trade,and craftsspecialization
(Garlake1982:13).
interregional
but
different
conditionsand increasedinteraction
pursuing
amongstcommunities
ideas
of
and
madepossiblethesharing exchange
subsistence
strategies
complementary
thatonceheldswaywithinspecificethnicandsubsistence
and systems

ofknowledge
a hunterin whatwas previously
of pastoralists
groups.Migrationand settlement
of agrariancommunities,
domainand the latersettlement
along withthe
gatherer
thatwould
vibrant
a
from
allthegroups,
created
ofknowledge
community
incorporation
fromthegroupsto leadership
andpersonalities
elevateindividuals
positions.
have emphasizedthe generationof surplus,
Complex societyarchaeologists
as amongthemost
in craftspecialization
accumulation
of wealthand investment
of surplusis
Generation
levels of complexity.

indicesfordetermining
important
in subsistenceproductionand higherlevels of
indicativeof societalefficiency
whichfreespeopleto engagein other
investment.
Food surplusmeansfoodsecurity,
iron
formsoflaboron a part-time
andfull-time
basis,forexample,elephant
hunting,
and goldworking,
making,and
basketry,
pottery
ivoryand stonecarving,masonry,
trade.Food security
and increasing
sedentism
forager
especiallyamongstpreviously
wouldhave naturally
and pastoralcommunities
changes.
encourageddemographic
Householdsthathad morechildren
werethusmorelikelyto takeadvantageoftheir
numberto gainaccess to moreresources.
â Springer

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147

The archaeologicalrecordclearlyshows thatBambandyanalo,
Mapungubwe,
siteswerelocatedin resourceGreatZimbabweand manyothercontemporaneous
richareas withgood wateras well as arableand grazingland. These settlements
morepeoplefromthesurrounding
and attracted
offered
moreopportunities
regions.
of resourcesand
in
these
settlements
Settlement
requiredmanagement
aggregation
forinvestment
in morehighlyspecializedcrafts,
opportunities
people,thuscreating
of

accumulation
local and interregional
wealth,power,and status.Whatwere
trade,
to
the specificvariablesthatled
statehood,both for Mapungubweand Great
Zimbabwe?
whichthey
herdsof livestock,
substantial
The rulersof Mapungubwecontrolled
centralization?
to
more
cattle
alone
lead
would
tradedwidely(Hall 1990:89).But
Afterall, anyonecouldowncattleandthereis no wayof tellingwhether
ownership
to only the dominanthouseholds.Thus, Hall (1990:89)
of cattlewas restricted
to accountfor
aresufficient
tradenorcattlewealthexplanations
believesthatneither
without
of

forces
role
of
the
the
sincetheystress
production
complexity,
emergent
in the
leaders
the
Could
incipient
takingintoaccounttherelationsof production.
that
were
wealth
forms
of
in theLimpopobasinseek
qualitatively
earlysettlements
fromlivestock,thatprovidedthemwitha meansof breakingout of the
different
chieflycycleof fusionand fission?Mapungubweleaderswouldhave monopolized
therevenueintorealwealthandpower.The
tradein beads and clothand converted
real
othermeansthroughwhich

powercould have been exercisedwas through
to
communities
coercionor threatof military
powerto compelthe smaller-scale
Hall
more
societies.
with
enterinto a tributary
(1990:89)
powerful
relationship
andotherstatesthatwereto followin
that"therulersofMapungubwe
hypothesizes
Africacommanded
southern
military
power,eventhoughtheevidenceforthisis, at
record."Whatresultedwas a Mapungubwe
unknownin thearchaeological
present,
serviceandotherformsoftribute
inwhichcattle,military
statethatcreateda pattern
of
centers
wouldhave flowedinwardsto themajor
power,whilebeads,clothand

to regionalcenters
outwards
have
moved
would
ofhighstatus
othervaluedsignifiers
the
of
the
and to local chiefswho acknowledged suzerainty
Mapungubwekings
thatthemeansto compel
case demonstrates
(Hall 1990:90).HencetheMapungubwe
state.
forrulersof an emerging
wereimportant
and coercea sizablepopulation
the
researchers
In thecase of GreatZimbabwe,pioneer
emphasized prominence
tradewiththe Swahili coast as the primaryimpetusin Great
of long-distance
to the state(Garlake1982:10; Huffman1972, 1982,
Zimbabwe'stransformation
a varietyof items,including
1986a). GreatZimbabweexportedgold and imported
and

earthenware
(Pikirayi2001:20).
glass beads, cloth,porcelain,stoneware,
trademodelmaintainthatthe managerialeliteat
Advocatesof the long-distance
zones with Great
Great Zimbabwemonopolizedtradewith ruraland frontier
centerfor
distribution
and
as
role
Zimbabweplayinga central
collection,
processing,
Mozambican
the
on
and
coastal
entrepots
gold,ivory,copper,and ironto regional
coast(Huffinan
1972, 1996).
are criticalof theview privileges
thatmodernperspectives
It is understandable
and
factor.
transformative Pikirayi

tradeas theprimary
(2001:21) sees theemergence
and
of
of
culture,
of agriculture,
management cattle,propagation
organization
Africa.
in
southern
states
rise
of
the
to
oftradeas thekeyfactors
control
contributing
thatimports
He maintains
playeda minimalrolein theShonaeconomysincegold
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AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152

148

miningwas not a full-time
specialty.He favorsthe internal
dynamism
argument,
that
distance
tradeinterlocked
a regionaleconomythatwas already
proposing long
thusgivingriseto a hierarchical
thriving,
society.Thisviewis echoedbyManyanga
tradeas a majorbuilderof wealthand status
(2006:114) who sees long-distance
However,Manyangaholdsthattradewas not
amongGreatZimbabwe'sleadership.
thatexternal
theprimary
cause forthesocialcleavages.In hiswords:"itis unlikely
local
thatwere
a
on
tradeandtheproducts
thereof
made suddenappearance
systems

in a stateoffragmentation
without
form
of
centralized
(Manyanga
organization"
any
evidenceindicative
is supported
by archaeological
2006:144).Thisnewperspective
ofelitecontrolof strategic
resourcessuchas cattle,ivory,ironore,copper,andgold.
of extractive
crafts
and monopolization
Further
evidencepointsto eliteinvestment
and
and
as
iron
and
such
working gold panning,mining processing,
technologies
Wilmsen
Miller
Denbow

1984;
1996;
possiblyspecializedelephanthunting(e.g.,
tradewith
facilitated
fromtheseventures
1989). The wealthgenerated
presumably
the coast (Mitchell2002:327, 328; Pikirayi2001:35). Thus the emergenceof
Mapungubweand GreatZimbabweas capitalsforpowerfulpolitiesin southern
AD was a consequenceof manyvariables.
Zambeziain thesecondmillennium
element
The abilityto controlaccess to resourcesor traderoutesis an important
in
is
this
ofemergent
and
centralization.
Embedded
proposition
complexity political
wealtha
that
can
access
to
of
restrict

and
a
nature, power
power
physical military
was
For instance,controloverironproduction
creatingresourcesand production.
to
needed
access
for
and
the
force
to
quiteimportant rulers,
physical
monopolize
ironresources
ofthestatecapitalwas probably
thatwerebeyondthepoliticalcontrol
a necessity.Archaeologists
have hintedthatcoercion,of one kind or another,
in
a
role
Zambezia(Mitchell
elitepowerin Southern
certainly

played
maintaining
2002:329).
Once asymmetries
in powerhad beenestablished,
whatstrategies
do leadersuse
to stayinpowerandaccumulate
morewealth,status,andpower?The pathways
and
mechanisms
is
In
which
centralized
will
differ
from
to
case.
this
case
through
power
accumulated
wealthin cattleandlaterinvestedin goldandivory
case,elitesinitially
tradewiththecoast.To do so, theyalso investedin local andregionalinfrastructures
thatmadeitviableforcommunities
different

butcomplemenlivingand exploiting
resources
into
to
be
to
the
and
be
tary
regionalpolitical
willing comply
incorporated
economy.Bothpeacefuland coercivemeanswereused to extendelitepowerto the
frontier
chiefdomsand minorstates.The pointabout peacefulmeans has been
madeby ThomasHuffman
chief'swealth
strongly
(1972:365): "As theparamount
the
of
the
settlement
would
because
of the
increased, population
swell,partly
royal

of
in
the
settlement
and
the
chance
that
some
of
the
wealth
prestige living
mightfind
its way throughthe normalredistributive
channels."Ironicallywhile Huffman
theneed forthemilitary
and publicworksto controlthisincreased
acknowledges
he
to
discuss
the
thatinvoluntary
andcoercivemeans
population, neglects
possibility
of incorporating
societies
were

to
a determined
and
peripheral
optionsopen
and
coercion
as
a
increasingly
powerfulleadership.
Ideology
playedjust important
roleas did agriculture,
livestock
and
trade,
long-distance
production, metalworking.
We needto recognizethepossibility
of internal
conflicts,
coercion,and exploitation
betweenclasses and social segmentswithinemergentcomplex societies.For
whilesomeresearchers
see theuse of elevatedhilltopsby elitesfortheir
instance,
Ö Springer

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AfrArchaeolRev (2008) 25:131-152

149

socialstatus,we believethiskindofsettlement
as a meansfordelineating
residences
patternmay also reflectconcernsover securityand threat(Kim and Kusimba,
Similarly,while many of the walls for Mapungubweand Great
forthcoming).
we believethattheymay
Zimbabwemayhaveserveda socialdemarcation
function,
fordefensivefunctions
as well. We are convincedthat
also have been constructed
evidenceexistsin the availablearchaeologicalevidenceto addressthe
sufficient
and coercion(Kim and Kusimba,forthcoming).
of warfare
possibility
Concludingremarks
In sum,the evidencediscussedin thisarticlepointsto the emergenceof social
Africa.Mapungubwe
and complexity
stratification
duringtheIronAge in southern

social
of
and GreatZimbabweexhibitclear signatures
inequalitysymbolizedin
state
on
its
way to statehoodbutthis
monumentality.
Mapungubwewas a nascent
abandoned
forreasonsthatarchaeand the settlement
was interrupted,
trajectory
In
the
case
of
Great
Zimbabwe,it is evidentthat
ologistshave notfullyexplained.
at
its
of
state
thepolitywas a territorial
height power.GreatZimbabweexercised
andfrontier
beyonditsurbancoreto thehinterland
politicalandeconomicinfluence

of power
What
forms
Zimbabwe's
societies.How extensivewas Great
hegemony?
what
means?
and through
did it cultivate,
means as primary
have emphasizedpeacefuland non-violent
Archaeologists
Africa.
in
southern
rise
social
to the
of
factors
However,a
complexity
contributing
to
control
for
is
amountofphysicalforce necessary anysociety
resources,

significant
enforcelabor, exact taxationand tribute,enforcecleavages in social rank,
accumulateand hoardwealth,createspecializedgoods,and engagein regionaland
of tradersand traderoutes.Although
tradewhichrequiredprotection
international
to do one's biddingis
force
to
to use military
theuse or threat
compelcommoners
that
leadersunderstand ideologicalpersuasionto complement
sometimes
necessary,
ofwarfare
In ournextpaperwe willexploretheimportance
bruteforceis preferable.
in
state
like
of
maintenance
and
and ideologyin the emergence
polities southern
Africa.
ofcolleagueswhohavesharedtheirtimeand insights
to a number

AcknowledgementsWe aregrateful
LawrenceKeeley,and InnocentPikirayi.
RobertCarneiro,
thispaper,including
withus in completing

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