In Search of Best Practice in South African Desegregated Schools ppt
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In search of best practice
IN SOUTH AFRICAN DESEGREGATED SCHOOLS
MOKUBUNG NKOMO & SALOSHNA VANDEYAR
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Published by HSRC Press
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First published 2008
ISBN 978-0-7969-2224-3
© 2008 University of Pretoria
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List of figures v
The research team vi
Preface vii
Acknowledgements ix
Executive summary x
Acronyms and abbreviations xiii
Introduction 1
1 BackgroundandContext
3
2 TheoreticalandConceptualFramework4
Customisation of the teaching and learning process 4
Contextualised teaching process 4
3 ResearchMethodology6
Phase 1 The survey: Perceptions of ‘best practice’ in desegregated South African
schools 6
Sampling procedure 6
Sampling and selection of schools 9
Response rates 10
Data analysis 10
Phase 2 The case studies: Peering into the desegregated classroom 10
Data analysis 11
Profiles of the case-study schools 11
Teacher profiles for the case-study phase 18
A synthesis of school profiles 20
4 ResearchFindings21
Phase 1 The survey: Perceptions of ‘best practice’ in desegregated South
African schools 21
Responses of teachers 21
Responses of learners 24
Responses of parents 25
Responses of members of school governing bodies 27
Responses of members of school management teams 29
Phase 2 The case studies: Peering into the desegregated classroom 32
Setting the scene: Classroom climate 32
Curriculum delivery 34
Interactions in a class of diverse learners 38
Management of a class of diverse learners 41
The teacher as a role model 42
Conclusion: Effective practices for teaching a class of diverse learners 44
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5 AnalysisandDiscussionofFindings45
Phase 1 The survey: Perceptions of ‘best practice’ in desegregated South
African schools 45
Transcending the theory/practice nexus 45
Teacher capacity development in multicultural and diverse classrooms 45
Teaching and learning material 47
The nature and extent of social interaction in the school 47
School support 48
Phase 2 The case studies: Peering into the desegregated classroom 49
The teaching and learning environment 49
Pedagogy: How learning takes place 50
Social interaction and diversity management 52
6 Conclusion54
7 Recommendations55
Appendices56
Appendix 1: Teacher Questionnaire 56
Appendix 2: School Management Team Questionnaire 59
Appendix 3: School Governing Body Questionnaire 62
Appendix 4: High School Learners Questionnaire 67
Appendix 5: Primary School Learners Questionnaire 70
Appendix 6: Parent/Caregiver Questionnaire 74
References78
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v
Figure 3.1 Distribution of respondents by race 7
Figure 3.2 Distribution of respondents by gender 7
Figure 3.3 Silverstream Primary teacher and learner profile 2004 12
Figure 3.4 Riverwood Secondary teacher and learner profile 2004 14
Figure 3.5 Gandhi Secondary teacher and learner profile 2004 16
Figure 3.6 Mbongeni Primary teacher and learner profile 2004 17
Figure 4.1 Teacher responses to workshops, instructional materials
and learner grouping 21
Figure 4.2 Teacher responses to what constitutes ‘best practice’ 22
Figure 4.3 Teacher practices as perceived by learners 24
Figure 4.4 Parents’ perceptions of school practices 26
Figure 4.5 School governing bodies’ perceptions of ‘best practice’ 27
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vi
The members of the research team, in alphabetical order, were:
Brutus Malada, Human Sciences Research Council
Rakgadi Phatlane, University of Pretoria
Makola Phurutse, Human Sciences Research Council
Ramodungoane Tabane, University of Pretoria
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vii
Every moment in life is filled with small events that become its histories. The small
events, at least some, grow to become big events. It is these small events that are
sometimes fascinating, and to witness their growth in slow motion is enlightening,
instructive and exhilarating. These fledgling efforts always coexist with powerful contrary
traditions that may retard their fruition, even destroy them. So, proper nourishment is vital
for survival.
In the short democratic moment we have had since 1994, the mega-stories have
occupied large spaces and captured the public imagination. Examples are De Klerk’s
speech announcing the official unbanning of political prisoners and detainees; and the
inauguration of Nelson Mandela as the first president of the democratic republic. These,
by all measures, are big historical events.
This monograph represents an attempt to record what could be regarded as nascent
events in a few schools that have the potential to grow and to graduate from minority
status to generalised best practice. They can be imagined as a few flickering candles that,
if properly nourished, can spread and become a million luminous candle lights.
One of the daunting challenges facing South Africa in the contemporary period is that of
achieving social cohesion. Schools and all other sites of learning are at the cutting edge
of the project to weave a common identity, based on democratic values and principles
that simultaneously respect difference; this is a conceptual/philosophical formulation
that is at variance with the prevailing and undemocratic assimilationist practices seen in
many desegregated schools in post-1994 South Africa. It is this challenge that motivated
us to convene a colloquium in 2003 to discuss the current state of school desegregation
and innovative ways to forge ahead in improving the present paltry state of affairs. It
was, by most accounts, a worthwhile interaction that resulted in the publication of the
proceedings titled Reflections on school integration.
Three recommendations that were high on the colloquium priority list of areas needing
further research attention were identified, namely:
• theneedtoinvestigatethedegreetowhichvisualrepresentationinschooltextbooks
reflects the diversity of the social world;
• howteachereducationaddressesdiversityineducation;and
• theneedtotrackpatternsofschooldesegregation.
We then undertook to produce a trilogy in monograph form. The first was Carolyn
McKinney’s Textbooks for diverse learners, which was published in 2004. The second
monograph, authored by Crispin Hemson and titled Teacher Education: The challenge of
diversity in South Africa, was published in 2006. Both were published by the HSRC Press.
This monograph completes the trilogy.
A second colloquium was held in 2006, and the proceedings will be published sometime
in 2008.
Above all, the aim of this mosaic of related research in diversity is to enhance social
cohesion and to strengthen and deepen a culture of human rights and democracy through
the medium of education. Hopefully, these combined research studies will have an
impact on policy reform and better practice in schools.
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The colloquium also expressed an interest in continuing the research dialogue. Individuals
and institutions are currently carrying out a number of research activities around a variety
of dimensions relating to diversity and social cohesion.
Mokubung Nkomo
December 2007
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ix
We wish to thank the South Africa-Netherlands Research Programme on Alternatives in
Development (SANPAD) for providing the grant that made this research possible.
Had it not been for the co-operation of the Western Cape, KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng
provincial education departments and their district offices, the data could not have been
captured. We wish to express our sincere gratitude and to thank them for recognising
the importance of evidence-based research as a basis for sound policy formulation and
practice. At the ground level, we enjoyed similar co-operation and support from school
principals, teachers, learners, members of school governing bodies and parents in general.
Our Dutch collaborator, Maaike Hajer, has been most co-operative and made critical
inputs during the research process. Her selflessness and generosity have been instructive.
Various other individuals have assisted in different ways: Linda Chisholm, in earlier
reflections that gave birth to the research process aimed at investigating issues of
diversity and social cohesion within the school context; Carolyn McKinney, in injecting
the necessary energy at the point of conception; and Jonathan Jansen, for his unflinching
support.
Processing of the quantitative data would have been an extremely daunting task, but was
made more palatable by the technical assistance offered by the University of Pretoria’s
Department of Statistics. We wish to thank in particular, Rina Owens, who was always
cheerful and available. Yu Ke availed herself to perform some technical operations that
made the graphics intelligible, and thus deserves a word of gratitude. It is important,
however, to indicate that none of the dramatis personae are responsible for any errors
and omissions that may be found in the report. That responsibility rests squarely on
our shoulders.
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x
In the last decade or so, South African schools have been undergoing a series of crucial
transformations. These include introducing a framework for improving access to basic
education for all, abolishing laws that restricted some learners from enrolling in certain schools
on the basis of race, reformed curriculum, upgrading the infrastructure, improving teacher
and management competencies, and establishing a national qualifications framework. Notable
challenges resulting from decades of deliberate neglect of certain sectors of the population are
learner achievement and race and racism in schools. The concept of race and the practice of
racism have been the defining signature of South African society including, crucially, schooling,
where the drama of identity formation was and will continue to be most prominent.
This study explored issues of ‘best practice’ in desegregated schools, and observed that
despite a number of ongoing challenges to innovation, there are a growing number of
school managers, teachers and parents who are grappling with issues of diversity and
inequality in ways that provide the possibility for changing institutional cultures.
The specific objectives of the study were:
• Tosolicittheopinionsandperceptionsofstakeholderswithintheschoolsectors
about diversity as well as to determine the demographic profile of selected
desegregated schools.
• Toidentifyanddocumentthepracticesofteacherswhoareaddressingissuesof
diversity and inequality, including race (and racism), gender and class, and who
typify different types of innovation and challenge.
Research questions
The following research questions guided the study:
• What‘bestpractice’inschoolswithdiverselearnerscanbeidentifiedindealingwith
issues of diversity and inequality such as race, class and gender in desegregated schools?
• Howdoschools,andparticularlyteachers,addressthephenomenonofcultural
diversity and effectively facilitate instruction for all students?
Research methodology
The study was divided into two phases. In Phase 1, using a combination of purposive
and representative sampling, a survey instrument was administered in nine schools in
three provinces (Western Cape, Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal). The survey sought to elicit
the perceptions and opinions of various stakeholders (school management teams [SMTs],
teachers, learners, parents and school governing bodies [SGBs]) on what they regarded
as ‘best practice’ in a desegregated school environment. Phase 2 consisted of classroom
observation over a three-day period, semi-structured interviews with teachers, and focus
group interviews with learners. In analysing the data for Phase 1 and Phase 2, codes were
developed for the different questions. The codes were then grouped into themes and
sub-themes, and are discussed accordingly.
Findings
Phase 1 The survey: Perceptions of ‘best practice’ in desegregated South
African schools
The study found that in all but three of the nine desegregated schools, the learner
population had become quite diverse, with fairly high numbers of learners from
previously disadvantaged schools. In contrast, the profile of the teaching staff was
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virtually unaltered, with higher percentages of white teachers, some Indian, a few
coloured and an insignificant number of African teachers.
In terms of school and classroom practices across the three provinces and nine schools,
the majority of respondents (about 78 per cent) pointed out that their schools did not
discriminate and were sensitive to learners’ racial and cultural backgrounds. Only about
15 per cent of respondents, concentrated in two schools and two provinces, pointed out
that there was subtle discrimination and that learners did not have a sense of belonging.
A significant number of teachers (about 60 per cent) indicated that they used materials
that were inclusive of all cultures and did not depict any of them in stereotypical terms.
In addition, many teachers (80 per cent) suggested that training about teaching in diverse
classrooms makes a considerable difference in desegregated schools. The majority of
respondents across the different categories (teachers, learners, SMTs, SGBs and parents)
argued that they received very little support from the Department of Education on how to
manage schools with learners from diverse cultural backgrounds.
Phase 2 The case studies: Peering into the desegregated classroom
School and classroom observation gave a picture of an environment that was
complimentary towards and inclusive of all cultures. Some teachers ensured that their
classrooms were made colourful with educational posters reflective of different cultures
and religions.
One of the key findings of the case-study phase was the personality of the teacher, which
was noted for encouraging learners to be open and to express themselves without fear
of being ridiculed. The personality of four of the teachers whose lessons were observed
was characterised by openness, sensitivity to learners’ needs and valuing their inputs. The
personality of these teachers also revealed much about their approach to teaching, as it
was observed that they valued learner contributions to classroom discussions or activities.
The study, however, noted two teachers whose personality and approach to teaching did
not encourage learners to participate or to feel free to raise issues.
Learners found learning to be meaningful and exciting when the teacher took the
initiative to incorporate their social worlds into the lesson. This afforded learners the
opportunity to relate new knowledge to their existing schema and to affirm and place
value on their identity. The study also found that the aspect of ‘edutainment’ – in the
sense of making learning fun, especially in the primary schools – made the content of the
lessons accessible to the learners.
Recommendations
Greater effort should be made to diversify the profile of the teaching staff in desegregated
schools. In the short term, a moratorium should be implemented to target Africans for all
new appointments, taking into account their qualifications in the identified field.
Stakeholders at schools should be empowered to challenge and interrogate the power
relations at play at schools. In this way, the current assimilatory approach could be
replaced by an approach that allows all learners to feel a sense of belonging and being
at home, of having their identity validated by the culture of the institution. This would
encourage all learners to take ownership of the school, as they are able to identify and
see themselves reflected in the daily life of the school.
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xii
The core of teacher education programmes should be structured along the principles
of educating for diversity to ensure that the identity of all learners is validated in the
classroom. Teacher education programmes should not just address diversity in an additive
or celebratory mode but should seek to interrogate the power relations at play.
A database of ‘best practice’ should be developed to create a resource pool of exemplars
that teachers could access to improve their professionalism.
The national Department of Education, in collaboration with provincial departments
of education, local authorities and school governing bodies should design training
programmes and provide effective support at the classroom level to ensure healthy
learning environments.
Principals should receive training in managing and leading for diversity.
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xiii
DET Department of Education and Training
DoE Department of Education
GS Gandhi Secondary
MP Mbongeni Primary
RS Riverwood Secondary
SGB School governing body
SMT School management team
SP Silverstream Primary
SPSS Statistical Package for Social Science
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
Note: Names of South African population groups
During the apartheid regime, legislation divided the South African populace into
four distinct population groups based on racial classification. Although the notion of
population groups is now legal history, it is not always possible to gauge the effects of
past discriminatory practices, and the progress of policies designed to eradicate them,
without reference to it. We have thus used the terms ‘African’, ‘coloured’, ‘Indian’ and
‘white’ where it is pertinent to the analysis of data. In contexts where we wish to signify
all three formerly disenfranchised groups, we have used the term ‘black’.
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1
The research sets out to explore ‘best practice’ in desegregated South African schools, and
observes that despite and in the midst of a number of ongoing challenges to innovation
there are a growing number of school managers, teachers and parents who are grappling
with issues of diversity and inequality in ways that provide the possibility for changing
institutional cultures to reflect a more inclusive paradigm.
There are many studies that indicate lingering attitudes and practices still prevalent in
many school environments, despite bold policy pronouncements. We are intrigued by
how societies have changed over millennia. In this regard, Wallerstein observed that,
‘Change is eternal. Nothing changes. Both clichés are “true”. Structures are those coral
reefs of human relations which have stable existence over relatively long periods of time.
But structures too are born, develop and die’ (1974: 3). As social scientists interested in
the deep minutiae of social change, we further draw from Gladwell’s incisive insight in
his The tipping point (2000) about ‘how little things can make a big difference’.
1
It is thus
worth identifying and exploring the, admittedly, small seismic tremors that could signal
possibilities of full fruition or common practice in the long term.
We concur with Gay’s argument against the conventional orthodoxy that ‘good teaching is
devoid of cultural tenets and that respecting the individual differences of students is really
what counts in effective teaching, not race, ethnicity, culture or gender’ (Gay 2000: 23).
We also argue in favour of identifying ‘best practice’ that filters curriculum content and
teaching strategies through the cultural frames of reference of learners, to make the
content more personally meaningful and thus easier to master.
There is a series of events that serves as a backdrop to this study on ‘best practice’ at
schools with diverse learner populations. One, the study is informed by the political
transformation that began slightly more than a decade ago, an ongoing transformation
that has triggered a series of alterations in the political economy of South Africa, including
education. Two, in the case of education, systemic changes such as the consolidation
of a fragmented, racially and ethnically based education system have ushered in a set
of reforms with broad implications. Three, and specifically related to this study, are
a Constitution, legislation and policies that forbid discrimination on the basis of race,
gender, religion, language, and so on. Four, this anti-discriminatory body of laws and
policies precipitated a process that accelerated changes in the demographic character of
learner populations in a growing number of schools. Finally, the changed demographic
profile in learner populations suggested the need for paradigmatic, pedagogical, attitudinal
and behavioural changes in the teaching and learning environment.
Given these events, it became necessary to look into what is actually happening in
selected schools that have diverse learner populations. A few foundational studies have
been conducted that looked at the problems facing desegregated schools (Carrim 1992,
1995; Christie 1990; Metcalfe 1991; Naidoo 1996; Soudien 1998; Zafar 1998). These studies
considered the rigidities of institutional cultures in the face of changing environmental
circumstances, the persistence of racial attitudes and resistance to change. In our view, it
seemed equally important, if not more so, to begin to identify emergent school ecologies
and pedagogical practices that seem to be essential for healthy and productive teaching
1 Subtitle to Malcolm Gladwell’s The tipping point: How little things can make a big difference. Barry Glassner of the
Los Angeles Times Book Review captures the essence of the book by pointing out that, ‘Gladwell argues for the
proposition that minor alterations, carefully conceived and adeptly enacted, can produce major consequences for
individuals, organisations, and communities’ (a statement in the book’s blurb).
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2
and learning environments, especially in schools that were previously racially and
ethnically exclusive, as they draw more and more learners from diverse backgrounds.
What happens there is of material interest not only to desegregated schools but also to all
other schools. Accordingly, this study set out to explore ‘best practice’ and innovations in
desegregated or deracialised schools in South Africa.
It is imperative to consider the issue of what constitutes ‘best practice’ that is essential
for success. We are aware of the problematic and contentious nature of the concept ‘best
practice’. There is a view, correctly, that there is no ‘best practice’ that is effective with all
students in all contexts (Nieto 2003). A suspicion is also expressed about the proliferation
of vogues of dubious credibility purporting to be the panacea for the ills or malpractices
that afflict instructional practice. Having cautioned against this mainly dubious tide,
there is, nevertheless, recognition that ‘there are practices that may be effective with
many students’ (Gay 2000; Nieto 2003). It thus becomes incumbent on researchers and
practitioners to continually search for effective ways of teaching and learning that go
beyond the received pedagogical verities that defy the need for appropriate adjustments
or improvements required by changed circumstances.
Underpinning a proper conception of ‘best practice’ is, therefore, the recognition of
the complexity of diversity (including multiple identities and related differences) and
that in heterogeneous learning environments, ‘teaching is a contextual and situational
process’ that requires the consideration of ‘ecological factors, such as prior experiences,
community settings, cultural backgrounds and ethnic identities of teachers and
students’ (Gay 2000: 21). In recent years a body of literature has emerged based on
contemporary understandings of the complexity of the learning process, especially in
highly heterogeneous environments, that calls for culturally responsive pedagogies (Banks
& McGee-Banks 2005; Diamond & Moore 1995; Gay 2000; Shor 1992). It is against this
backdrop that the following research questions for this study were posed:
• What‘bestpractice’inschoolswithdiverselearnerscanbeidentifiedin
dealing with issues of diversity and inequality, such as race, class and gender
in desegregated schools?
• Howdoteachersaddressthephenomenonofculturaldiversityandeffectively
facilitate instruction for all students?
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3
Background and context
The process of school desegregation and the resulting challenges of implementation
remain an area of critical importance in multiracial countries. This is particularly the case
in societies like South Africa, where for decades the state repressed certain population
groups and neglected their needs. With the new democratic government entering its second
decade of administration, it is opportune to take stock of the progress made in addressing
the legacy of school segregation and the challenges that still lie ahead. More importantly,
it is necessary to propose appropriate strategies to fast-track school desegregation. As we
assess the progress made in regard to school desegregation, it is important that we take into
account experiences from elsewhere in the world, as they are often instructive.
In some countries, progress that has been made in school desegregation is being reversed.
For example, Kozol, writing in his book, The Shame of the Nation, chronicles in great
detail how thousands of public schools in the United States that were desegregated had
narrowed the achievement gap between black and white students. However, the early
1990s witnessed a reversal of this trend due to education policies that were unfriendly
to school integration (2005). Other authors noted similar trends in desegregation and
resegregation (Frankenberg, Lee & Orfield 2003; Orfield 2004). Orfield points out that
schools in the United States are today divided along racial lines, as was the case before
the 1950s: ‘Southern Schools and those in a number of big cities are moving back toward
intensified segregation, now based largely on residential segregation in the metropolitan
areas’ (Orfield 2004: 97). Ironically, given King’s own contribution to the eradication of
segregation, schools such as Martin Luther King Secondary in New York, which were
founded on multicultural and multiracial principles, are now becoming racially segregated.
In South Africa, legislation was passed to start the process of school desegregation. All
apartheid laws permitting schools to discriminate on the basis of race and other forms
of discrimination, were repealed. The Constitution and the Bill of Rights are among the
important documents that disallow institutional discrimination. The Constitution of the
Republic of South Africa (Act No. 108 of 1996) requires that education be transformed
and democratised in accordance with the values of human dignity, equality, human rights
and freedom, non-racism and non-sexism. It guarantees access to a basic education for all
through the provision that ‘everyone has a right to basic education, including adult basic
education’. More specifically, the national Department of Education (DoE) introduced
the South African Schools Act (No. 84 of 1996); its major thrust is the principle of non-
discrimination. The Act ensures that all learners have a right of access to quality education
without discrimination, and makes schooling compulsory for children aged 7 to 14 years.
Learners are allowed access to all public schools without taking into account their race,
culture or parents’ financial standing. Additionally, the DoE established a directorate on
Race and Values in education to monitor progress in addressing the legacy of apartheid
education. This directorate falls within the branch of Quality Promotion and Development.
The issue of legislation, while critical, needs to be treated with caution, as it has been
found that at times there is a disjuncture between legislation and practice. Orfield aptly
captures this when he argues that, ‘announcing a policy does not mean the policy is
realized…Legislators often act as if the enactment of a law or the issuance of a regulation
or the statement of a leader actually produces the intended change’ (2004: 101). We need
to pay particular attention to conditions that will enable the successful implementation of
policies. Such conditions should be closely studied and delineated in order not to render
policies symbolic. This calls for closer attention to the theory/practice nexus.
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Theoretical and conceptual framework
A review of the literature on what constitutes ‘best practice’ and innovations in classes
of diverse learners has revealed, among others, two strategies as ‘effective practices’ to
encourage culturally diverse groups of students. These are discussed below.
Customisation of the teaching and learning process
It is argued that teachers should modify instruction to facilitate learning among students
from diverse cultural groups (Shade, Kelly & Oberg 1997). According to Banks (2000),
this would result in creating ‘equitable pedagogy’ that utilises more co-operative learning
strategies in class and draws on the language and understandings that students bring to
school, to bridge the gap between what students know and what they need to learn. The
teacher acknowledges and embraces students as they are and builds on the experiences
that they bring with them, as referenced in the contextual curriculum planning. The
teacher should show respect for the backgrounds and experiences of students.
Teachers should strive to create what Bigelow et al. call a ‘social justice classroom’
(2001: 4). The social justice classroom is dependent on several interlocking components.
According to their vision, ‘best practice’ is where the curriculum and classroom practice
meet the following requirements:
• Groundedinthelivesofstudents:Thecurriculumshouldberootedintheneeds
and experiences of students.
• Critical:Thecurriculumshouldequipstudentsto‘talkbacktotheworld’.
• Multicultural,anti-racistandpro-justice:Studentsshouldbeengagedinacritiqueof
the roots of inequality in curriculum, school structure and the broader society.
• Participatoryandexperiential:Theclassroommustprovokestudentstodeveloptheir
democratic capacities to question, to challenge, to make real decisions and to solve
problems collectively.
• Hopeful,joyful,kindandvisionary:Thewaysinwhichweorganiseclassroomlife
should make students feel significant and cared for by the teacher and by each other.
• Activist:Providestudentswiththeopportunitytoseethemselvesaschange-makers.
• Academicallyrigorous:Equipstudentsnotonlytochangetheworldbutalsoto
manoeuvre in the one that exists.
• Culturallysensitive:Besensitivetotheculturalcapitalthatstudentsbringintothe
classroom and utilise it as a rich resource in teaching.
Contextualised teaching process
According to Gay (2000), teaching is a contextual and situational process that is most
effective when ecological factors such as prior experiences, community settings,
cultural backgrounds and ethnic identities of teachers and students are included in its
implementation. She draws a distinction between the conventional educational ethos and
practices that claim that ‘good teaching is devoid of cultural tenets and that respecting
the individual differences of students is really what counts in effective teaching, not
race, ethnicity, culture or gender’ (Gay 2000: 23) and, on the other hand, a pedagogical
paradigm that teaches to and through the personal and cultural strength, the intellectual
capabilities and the prior experiences of students. She thus advocates a culturally
responsive teaching paradigm that filters curriculum content and teaching strategies
through the cultural frames of reference of learners, to make the content more personally
meaningful and thus easier to master.
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5
However, the above strategies can only be successful if the teaching staff is, in itself,
culturally responsive. This calibre of teachers has faith in the human dignity and
intellectual capacity of their students. They scaffold instruction and build bridges between
the curriculum content and the cultural experiences of ethnically and racially diverse
students. Culturally responsive teachers use a variety of approaches to all aspects of the
educational process. They consider critical and reciprocal dialogue and participatory
engagement as central to learning. They are warm, supportive, understanding and flexible
in their interpersonal relationships with students (Gay 2000).
Banks proposed that teachers should stop conducting ‘business as usual’ or using traditional
conventions; instead, he argued that they should ‘respect the cultural and linguistic capital
of students and change the curriculum so that it will reflect the learning and cultural
styles of students and thus enhance their achievement’ (Banks 1975: 165–166). Cognisant
of the ever-growing complexity of modern societies, characterised by a high level of
heterogeneity, a panel of experts proposed four principles and ten derivative concepts that
should exemplify good learning and teaching environments. The four principles are:
1. Students should learn about the complex relationships between unity and diversity.
2. Students should learn about the ways in which people…are increasingly
interdependent…and are connected to the economic, political, environmental, and
technological changes taking place across the planet.
3. Teaching of human rights should underpin citizenship education.
4. Students should be taught knowledge about democracy and democratic institutions
and provided opportunities to practice democracy. (Banks et al. 2005: 11–13)
Importantly, these principles are consonant with and undergirded by the declaration in
the 2004 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) report titled Cultural Diversity:
Accommodating people’s growing demands for their inclusion in society, for
respect of their ethnicity, religion, and language, takes more than democracy
and equitable growth. Also needed are multicultural policies that recognize
differences, champion diversity and promote cultural freedoms… (UNDP 2004)
A trend is emerging in South African research around school desegregation and
integration that suggests an attempt to identify positive ways in which to address the
lingering pedagogical traditions and practices from the apartheid era. One example
is McKinney’s (2005) study on learning and support materials. Another study on how
diversity is addressed at selected teacher education institutions is by Hemson (2005).
Both studies are situated within the broad research programme that aims to identify ‘best
practice’ and innovations in desegregated schools or even at homogeneous schools.
In the search for effective teaching practices, we have given primacy to what a sample of
teachers say and to observations of their practices. We have also been guided to a greater
degree by the extant literature and to a limited extent by canvassed expert opinion.
It must be noted, however, that this study set out to explore ‘best practice’ in the field,
in terms of desegregated classrooms, and did not aim to enter the research sites with any
preconceived ideas or bias that had been gleaned from the literature or expert opinion.
The report focuses on school desegregation in both primary and secondary public
schools, in three provinces. School desegregation is extremely important to the success
of South Africa’s development, as it opens opportunities for different races to learn and
understand other cultures.
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6
Research methodology
This section describes the research design and methodology used in conducting the study.
First, an overview of the implementation process is presented; second, the instrument
development, sampling, data collection, analysis and interpretation are described.
Phase 1 The survey: Perceptions of ‘best practice’ in desegregated
South African schools
A survey was conducted at nine research sites to explore what the various stakeholders
regarded as ‘best practice’ and innovations. Quantitative data obtained from the survey
were analysed using the Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS). The qualitative data
were analysed with identified codes from the existing literature linked to ‘best practice’.
Members of the research team, with the help of PhD students in the field of school
integration, manually coded the qualitative data. The codes that emerged from the data,
that is, statements made by participants which could not be coded anywhere under the
predetermined codes, were classified as emerging codes and also given categories, which
are included in the discussion.
Key elements of the Phase 1 survey design included the development of questionnaires,
taking into account the national and global literature on school desegregation. The
questionnaires were administered to learners, parents, teachers and members of the
school governing bodies (SGBs) and school management teams (SMTs).
Five questionnaires were developed for members of the SMTs, teachers, learners, parents
and SGBs. Two separate learner questionnaires were developed to cater for primary and
secondary school learners respectively. All research instruments were piloted and refined
in line with the type of responses received. The piloting of the research instruments prior
to the actual research work increased the validity and reliability of the data collected, as
some questions were deleted while others were combined as a result of that process.
Each questionnaire included both restricted and free-response questions to gain a
comprehensive picture of school integration. Closed-ended questions were given five
values – 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5 – with 1 being good and 5 less desirable.
Sampling procedure
The sampling of participants in the study was conducted at two levels. First the school,
which at a higher level became the primary unit of analysis. Second, the individual
stakeholder level composed of learners, teachers, parents and SGBs. In general, at school
level, the sampling procedure adopted a purposive sampling technique, as only schools
with a track record of participating in the desegregation project had to be selected.
At the second layer of analysis, although a random sample technique was adopted,
the sampling procedure was however constructed with particular attention to issues of
race, class, gender and geographic location in order to have a representative sample
participating in the study.
Figures 3.1 and 3.2 below illustrate the distribution of respondents by race and gender
respectively. The emerging trend in the racial distribution is in congruence with the
demographics of the country, with a majority of participants coming from the African
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7
population in the category of learners and parents. However, a different scenario is that
of the teaching staff and SGBs, which reflects a reverse of the latter.
Distribution of respondents by gender (Figure 3.2), illustrates domination by females
in the learner, parent and teacher categories. This is in congruence with the national
statistics that show the teaching profession to be predominantly female, especially at
primary schools, and that girls constitute the majority in South African schools. However,
when it comes to the SGBs, males are dominant, which could reflect the patriarchal
structure of society.
Note: Some total percentages do not come to 100 due to missing data.
Figure 3.1: Distribution of respondents by race
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Learners
Teachers
Parents
SBGs
SMTs
Percentage
Categories of respondent
African White Indian
Coloured
Other
Figure 3.2: Distribution of respondents by gender
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Learners
Teachers
SGBs SMTs
Parents
Percentage
Categories of respondent
Male
Female
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8
The following is an analysis of the participation per category of respondents.
Learner profile
The majority of learners in the sampled population were African (38.5%), followed by
white learners (20.6%). Coloured and Indian learners constituted a minority (less than
20% each). Overall, the distribution of the learner population followed that of the general
population, of which the majority is black, followed by white and coloured, with Indians
forming a tiny portion. The profile of learners included gender; it was found that about
64% of the sample consisted of girls and only 36% of boys.
Parent profile
Figure 3.1 also indicates that the majority of parents in the sample population were
Africans (36.4%), followed by white parents (26.8%). The coloured parent population
had an overall percentage of 19.9% while Indians made up 12.7%. This distribution is not
entirely different from that of the general population, with a majority of Africans, followed
by the white, coloured and Indian groupings. There were 885 parents who completed the
questionnaires from 8 of the 9 schools, with the gender breakdown of 265 (29.8%) male
and 620 (69.8%) female.
Teacher profile
In contrast to the parent profile, which is roughly representative of the general
population, the teacher profile of the sample schools was skewed, with a higher
percentage of white teachers and relatively few black teachers. This indicates that while
the learner and parent population has changed substantially to broadly reflect the general
population, this is not the case with the teaching population. Studies elsewhere have
affirmed a fair representation of other population groups in the teaching profession –
African Americans and Latinos in the USA and aboriginal people in Australia (Ladson-
Billings 1995). Literature suggests that learners of diverse cultures and races need to see
their race/cultures reflected in the staff composition. This is not to suggest that only those
from the same race are better positioned to assist or teach learners. That is too simplistic.
However, having a staff population that is predominantly white in a school with a higher
percentage of black learners sends different messages to white and black learners, with
the latter not feeling a sense of belonging or being at ‘home’, since there are no cultural
or racial figures of authority that they can identify with or relate to. Hence confusing
messages are sent to different population groups, which indicate that there is the need to
attend to issues of equitable staff composition. It is suggested that black learners see the
world of school as immensely remote from the home environment, and that realisation
imposes immense challenges on black learners’ sense of self.
The teacher profile was also analysed according to gender; it was found that the
overwhelming majority of teachers were female (66.7%), in contrast to a low percentage
of male teachers (26.3%). This is not a surprising figure since the majority of teachers
in South Africa are female, especially in the primary schools, which comprise a large
proportion of the overall school population. The majority of teachers fell within the age
category of 31 to 35 (about 20%); age groups of 36 to 40 and 41 to 45 comprised 15%
each, while the category of 25 to 30 comprised about 14%.
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9
Profiles of the School Governing Bodies
As shown in Figure 3.2, representation in SGBs reflected the racial history of the schools,
with white members dominating the SGBs and constituting 43.2%, followed by coloured
at 29.7%, with Africans and Indians at 13.5% each. In terms of gender distribution, the
majority of the SGB members were males, constituting 43.2% and females at 35.1%.
2
Profiles of the School Management Teams
There were 37 respondents in total across the nine schools. The racial composition of
these 37 respondents was as follows: 29 white, 6 Indian, 0 coloured and 2 African. To
some extent this data was skewed, as four of the six Indians held positions at a former
Indian school. What the data seem to suggest is that although desegregation has occurred
at these schools, power is still largely vested in the hands of the SMT, the majority of
whom are white. It would seem that the representation of one black member on the SMT
at four different schools is akin to tokenism. True democracy has not as yet unfolded at
these schools, particularly with regard to the issue of power relations. Perhaps that could
be the reason for the ‘winds of change’ moving at such a slow pace or for the school
adopting an assimilatory approach to address desegregation? The gender profile of the
SMTs was 54% female and 45% male respectively.
Sampling and selection of schools
Following a combination of purposive and representative sampling, the research team
identified three schools in each of three provinces in South Africa – a total of nine
schools. The provinces were Western Cape, Gauteng and KwaZulu-Natal. In each of these
provinces, we ensured that our sample consisted of a combination of both primary and
secondary schools. The schools were each exemplars of schools in which there had been
rapid desegregation post-1994. The selected schools had quite different histories and
the process of desegregation had unfolded differently at each of them. The process of
desegregation in the public schooling system has unfolded according to three criteria: the
demographic location of the school and the surrounding community; the socio-economic
status of the learners; and the ‘one-way’ migration of learners.
Hence, the selected schools could be divided into three categories. The first category,
consisting of five of the nine schools, had the following profile: Well-resourced schools
situated in middle-class to upper-class, predominantly white, urban suburbs. For most of
their lives, these schools catered exclusively to white learners. The early 1990s witnessed
the ‘trickling in’ of a few black learners, and the schools were reclassified from being
white public schools to being Model C schools (a government attempt to cut state costs
and accountability by shifting some of the financing and control of white schools to
parents). As a result of the repeal of the Group Areas Act (No. 41 of 1950) in 1991 and
the desegregation of schools in 1995, there has been a strong intake of black learners into
these schools over the past decade. All four race groups are represented at these schools,
although the ratio between each race group depends on the demographic location and
access by learners to the school.
The second category consisted of English-medium schools that were situated in middle-
class, urban, Indian suburbs. These schools previously catered solely for Indian learners
who spoke English. Again, the early 1990s witnessed the ‘trickling in’ of a few African
learners. As a result of the official desegregation of schools in 1996 after the South African
Schools Act, there was a substantial intake of African learners. Currently most of these
2 Total percentage does not come to 100 due to missing data.
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10
schools have 90 per cent African learners from the surrounding African townships, 9.5
per cent Indian learners and 0.5 per cent coloured learners. The ‘bussing-in’ of learners
has become the norm at such schools. In some schools, only three race groups were
represented because there were no white learners, as migration to schools was usually a
one-way process. Learners from township schools have moved to Indian, coloured and
white schools. White, Indian and coloured learners have not moved into township schools.
The third category consisted of schools that were situated in a middle-class, white, rural
area and previously catered to white learners. After the desegregation of schools in 1994,
an increasing number of African and some Indian learners enrolled at these schools.
Many white learners have left.
Collectively, these schools represent a typical picture of how South African schools are
desegregating, and indicate why it is important not to overstate the post-apartheid growth
of racial desegregation in South African education. The general picture in South Africa
is that some formerly white schools and many formerly black schools have remained
largely segregated; desegregation has occurred mainly in the formerly Indian schools and
in middle-class white schools. This research was focused on schools that were typical of
those experiencing substantial desegregation. These nine schools represented the sample
for the first phase of the research study.
Based on the findings of the survey and a set of predetermined criteria, four of the nine
schools were selected for the second phase of the research project, namely, the case
studies. The schools were distributed as follows: one each in Cape Town and KwaZulu-
Natal, and two schools in Gauteng (primary and secondary).
Response rates
There were five secondary and four primary schools in the sample. A total of 2 450
learner questionnaires were sent out, and 1 148 were received; all received were
completed. The realised sample, therefore, was 66.7 per cent.
For teachers, 291 questionnaires were sent and 146 were returned, a response rate of
42.2 per cent. School governing body members were sent 111 questionnaires and 54
were returned, a response rate of 41.4 per cent. A total of 67 questionnaires were sent to
SMT members and 37 were returned completed, a response rate of 44.2 per cent.
Data analysis
As there were both closed-ended and free-response questions in the survey instruments,
the analysis had to adopt both quantitative and qualitative procedures. Thus, quantitative
data were analysed through a statistical analysis procedure using SPSS, while the
qualitative data had to be coded manually by the research team, together with PhD
students. See Appendix A for details of the research instruments that were used.
Phase 2 The case studies: Peering into the desegregated classroom
The case-study phase of the research project consisted of classroom observations over
a three-day period, semi-structured interviews with principals and teachers, and focus
group interviews with learners. The names of the identified teachers at each of the case-
study schools were obtained from the first-phase data. One of the questions in the learner
questionnaire required learners to name their best teacher and to provide reasons for
their choice. The study sought to triangulate the data by also requesting input from the
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11
principal in this regard and then following this up with observations of the identified
teachers’ practices. The teaching competency (in terms of teaching learners from diverse
backgrounds) of two of the identified teachers at each school was observed over a three-
day period. This was followed by an interview with each of the teachers and focus group
interviews of sets of learners from their classes. This phase reports on the four schools
that were identified as case-study schools. For purposes of confidentiality, these schools
will be called Silverstream Primary (SP), Mbongeni Primary (MP), Gandhi Secondary (GS)
and Riverwood Secondary (RS).
3
Enormous amounts of data were obtained from the field. Observations of lessons (three
per teacher) were captured using video recordings. Some analysts note that the video-
recording technique provides a powerful source for data gathering and analysis, and
enables researchers to leave controlled laboratory settings and enter naturalistic fieldwork
(Kelly 2000; Roschelle 2000). Roschelle argues that one of the strengths of video recording
is that it offers repeated viewing. As he puts it, ‘Watching a rich complex scene many times
often can lead to insights that cannot be gleaned from a textual transcript of the same
scene’ (2000: 726). Erickson similarly notes that video recordings provide the capacity for
completeness of analysis (1986: 145). Because of the theoretically unlimited opportunity for
revisiting a recorded instance by replaying it, the instance can be observed from a variety of
foci and analytical perspectives. This enables a more thorough description than a participant
observer could prepare from field notes. In this case, researchers had the opportunity to
repeatedly view the captured data for incorporation into the discussion of this study.
Data analysis
The videotapes were transcribed. The team read through the qualitative data from the
videotaped lessons of teachers, interviews and focus group interviews. Codes were then
developed from the data, utilising the grounded theory approach of analysis. Codes that
were developed from the data were compared with existing codes from the literature on
school desegregation and integration.
Profiles of the case-study schools
Silverstream Primary School
Community background and context
Silverstream is one of the older suburbs and is situated in the East Rand of Gauteng.
It was historically an exclusively white, middle-class suburb. However, the repeal of
the Group Areas Act in 1991 initiated some change in Silverstream’s population, with
the movement of some blacks from townships or low-income areas into mostly white,
working- to middle-class suburbs.
School background and context
Silverstream Primary is a well-resourced school situated in a working- to middle-class, still
predominantly white suburb and is one of the few English-medium schools in that area.
It was established on 1 January 1953 and used to cater only to white learners. The school
population at the time of opening comprised 105 white boys and 85 white girls. At the
time, the school consisted of six classrooms and the staffing component comprised six
teachers, including the principal. Promoting school attendance was the big drive during
the inception years of Silverstream Primary. The early 1990s witnessed dwindling numbers
of white learners as the surrounding community aged.
3 Note that the names of schools, teachers, SGB and SMT members, and learners are not real. Pseudonyms have been
used to protect the privacy of those concerned.
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