CRIMINAL PSYCHOLOGY and FORENSIC TECHNOLOGY: A Collaborative Approach to Effective Profiling pdf

CRIMINAL
PSYCHOLOGY
and FORENSIC
TECHNOLOGY
A Collaborative
Approach to Effective
Profiling
Edited by
Grover Maurice Godwin, Ph.D.
Research Assistant Professor
Justice Center
The University of Alaska –Anchorage
Boca Raton London New York Washington, D.C.
CRC Press
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
Front Cover: Helen M. Godwin
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Criminal psychology and forensic technology : a collaborative approach to effective
profiling / editor, Maurice Godwin.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8493-2358-4
1. Criminal psychology. 2. Forensic sciences. I. Godwin, Maurice.
HV6080 .C734 2000
364.3—dc21 00-064150
CIP
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
Preface
Criminal psychology, forensic technology, and profiling. These three disciplines
have received a wealth of media attention over the past decade. Consequently,
due to public and professional interest, a plethora of books have been published.
The technique of offender profiling, or classifying offenders according to their
behaviors and characteristics, has been developing slowly as a possible investi
-

gative tool since 1841 and the publication of the The Murders in the Rue Morgue
by Edgar Alan Poe, in which detective C. Auguste Dupin demonstrated the
ability to follow the thought patterns of a companion while the pair strolled
through Paris without speaking a word. Some years later, the art of using psy
-
chology to profile a criminal was used in 1888 in England, where Dr. Thomas
Bond, a lecturer in forensic medicine, produced what could be recognized as a
psychological profile of the perpetrator of the Whitechapel murders. Dr.
Bond
wrote to the head of the Criminal Investigation Division (Rumbelow, 1987:140):
The murderer must have been a man of physical strength and great coolness
and daring. There is no evidence that he had an accomplice. He must, in my
opinion, be a man subject to periodic attacks of Homicidal and erotic mania.
The character of the mutilations indicates that the man may be in a condition
sexually, that may be called Satyriasis. It is of course possible that the Homi
-
cidal impulse may have developed from a revengeful or brooding condition
of mind, or that religious mania may have been the original disease, but I do
not think that either hypothesis is likely. The murderer in external appearance
is quite likely to be a quite inoffensive looking man probably middle-age and
neatly and respectable dressed. I think he might be in the habit of wearing a
cloak or overcoat or he could hardly escape notice in the streets if the blood
on his hands or clothes were visible.
Assuming the murderer to be such a person as I have just described, he would
be solitary and eccentric in his habits. Also, he is likely to be a man without
regular occupation, but with some small income or pension. He is possibly
living among respectable persons who have some knowledge of his character
and habits who have grounds for suspicion that he is not quite right in his
mind at times. Such person would probably be unwilling to communicate
and would be suspicious of the police for fear of trouble or notoriety, whereas

if there were prospects of a reward it might overcome his scruples.
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
Dr. Bond based his profile only on his professional experience, yet the claims
he made would probably be accepted as thoughtful and intelligent by most
police investigators today.
Since its emergence, offender profiling has been described by several dif-
ferent terms: psychological profiling, criminal profiling, criminal personality
profiling, and criminal investigative analysis. Regardless of the descriptive label
applied, profiling as an investigative tool today represents a less–than–educated
attempt to provide law enforcement agencies with detailed information about
the behavior of an unknown individual who has committed a crime. Most
published accounts of profiling, which detail the methods employed by various
individuals, have tended to take the form of semi-autobiographical books and
journalistic articles rather than systematic academic work and, hence, are
difficult to evaluate for accuracy or a scientific point of view. For example,
most offender profiles emphasize the various psychological functions that
murder has for the offender — not what varieties of action the murder actually
consists of. Consequently, these profiles make little distinction between the
overt crime scene behavior as it occurs in murders and the psychodynamic
processes that produce that behavior. Hence, there is little attempt by profilers
to differentiate aspects of the offender’s motivations and life-style from aspects
of his offending behavior.
Heuristics and Biases in Decision Making
Aside from a few studies (e.g., Hunting Serial Predators, Godwin, 2000), most
published accounts that claim new findings in criminal profiling or serial
offending are often a part of the cultural baggage passed down over the years,
and are fraught with the frailties of human thinking. Conclusions are pre
-
dominantly based on what has been written in the past. For example, some
profilers claim that patterns associated with serial offending occur as a result

of recognizable mental illness or mental disorder in the offender, and these
disorders can be classified using a personality theory. However, psychological
theory should never be treated as a vocabulary by so-called profilers or expert
consultants to further their personal opinions, rather than a set of empirically
derived hypotheses open to scientific analysis. For instance, in a newspaper
article about Robert Yates, a serial murderer recently captured in Spokane,
Washington, a former homicide investigator, stated that the Yates case dem-
onstrated that serial killers are individuals whose behavior cannot be pre-
dicted, yet a recently published journal article written by the investigator
describes a theoretical typology by which sexual murderers’ motivations are
profiled. This is just one of the ways in which individuals attempt to blur the
facts when it comes to taking responsibility for inaccurate profiles and the
failure to link unsolved crimes.
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
Confirmation Bias
Numerous studies have demonstrated that people generally give excessive
value to confirmatory information; that is, information which supports a
particular position (Schwenk, 1988). Confirmation bias refers to a type of
selective thinking whereby one tends to look for what confirms one’s beliefs,
and ignore or undervalue the relevance of contradictory information. This
type of thinking results from deductive inferencing without supporting
inductive research. For example, Wiseman, West, and Stemman (1996) found
that in cases where psychics had contributed to police investigations, the
psychics and the investigators they advised were only likely to remember those
aspects of the case they were correct about and forget the incorrect assertions.
Gilovich (1993) suggests that the most likely reason for excessive influence
of confirmatory information is that it is easier to deal with cognitively. In
other words, it is much easier to see how a piece of information supports a
position than how it might count against it. This form of confirmatory
thinking is prevalent in criminal investigations — especially serial crime

investigations — and often results in misleading information and wasted man
hours.
Selective Thinking
Selective thinking is the process whereby a person focuses on favorable evidence
while ignoring unfavorable evidence. This kind of thinking is sometimes
referred to as “tunnel vision.” Selective thinking occurs when an investigator
or profiler rejects alternative explanations in favor of simpler ones. This form
of thinking is referred to as “Occam’s Razor.”
Post Hoc Fallacy
Post hoc fallacy, also called post hoc ergo proper hoc (after this therefore because
of this) fallacy, is based upon the mistaken notion that simply because one
event follows another, the first event is the cause of the second one. This form
of reasoning in criminal investigations is the basis for many erroneous con
-
clusions and failed investigations. For example, you have a “vision” that a
body is going to be found in the water near a tree, and later a body is found
in the water near a tree. To establish the probability of a causal connection
between two events, controls must first be established to rule out other factors
such as chance or some unknown causal factor (Riere, 1998). Anecdotes from
law enforcement officers who use this approach and swear by it do not
establish the probability of causal connection. Rather, a controlled study,
comparing success rates with true detectors and fake ones, is the only way to
establish the probability connection between two events.
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
From the previous discussion of the frailties of human thinking, we
should be aware that offender profiles and many conclusions about what may
have taken place during the commission of a crime can be distorted by easily
recalled events, selective perception, and expectations that bias observations
and conclusions. This process is called “illusory correlation,” where unrelated
variables, events, crime scene actions, etc. are believed to be correlated, when

in fact no associations exist. Hence, the purpose of this book is to introduce
alternative approaches that use systematic and scientific processes which aid
in reducing illusory correlations and hindsight bias to improve the way crimes
are investigated and offender profiles are generated, as well as to test their
accuracy and applicability to criminal investigations.
Criminal Psychology and Forensic Technology is unique because it presents
an array of topics fusing aspects of criminal psychology with forensic science
methods in a collaborative effort to improve the way profiles are derived.
Alternative approaches to crime solving and new research that contributes to
the science of profiling are described. The format is simple and straightfor
-
ward, and the information is designed for the generalist who may be just
beginning a career as a law enforcement officer, or the student enrolling for
the first time in a criminal justice or police–related degree program. Criminal
Psychology and Forensic Technology is also geared to the professional with
years of training and experience. The chapters are succinctly written and
provide thorough examinations of their relevant fields. The book is perfect
for students preparing essays or class reports on various crime detection
procedures or criminal profiling techniques, and for professionals wishing to
expand their knowledge of alternative investigative methods for application
to real crime situations. Whatever the reasons for choosing this book, the
reader will be enlightened and his knowledge about alternative investigative
tools for solving crimes, scientific methods for reducing biases in investigative
decision making, and ethical issues that surround the application of these
investigative procedures will be greatly enhanced.
Grover Maurice Godwin, Ph.D.
Research Assistant Professor of Justice
University of Alaska–Anchorage
Anchorage, Alaska – 2000
© 2001 CRC Press LLC

Acknowledgments
I would like to take this opportunity to express my sincere thanks to
Dr.
Robert Langworthy, Director of the Justice Center at the University of
Alaska-Anchorage, for his continued support and for providing me the
opportunity to teach and pursue new directions in crime related research.
I
also would like to thank the entire staff at the Justice Center for helping me
to complete this book. My appreciation also goes to the contributing authors,
without whom I would never have been able to complete this publication.
Finally, I would like to express my gratitude to all those at CRC Press who
helped make my second book possible, and especially to my editor, Becky
McEldowney. On a personal note, thanks to Clifford Curry and Bill Lyerly
for keeping the East Coast sound alive.
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
About the Author
Dr. Grover Maurice Godwin is a research assistant professor of justice at the
University of Alaska-Anchorage in the Justice Center, where he is a crime
researcher, a grantsman, and teaches courses in criminal investigations, serial
murder, and criminal profiling. He is also an adjunct professor at Vermont
College of Norwich University in their distance-learning Master of Arts
degree program, with a concentration in criminal investigative psychology.
He earned his Ph.D. in investigative psychology from the University of Liv
-
erpool, England, and his Master of Science degree in criminology from Indi-
ana State University. Dr. Godwin is the author of Hunting Serial Predators: a
Multivariate Approach to Profiling Violent Behavior (CRC Press). He is also
the author of several journal articles on psychological and geographical pro
-
filing. Dr. Godwin has worked as a consultant to police, developing psycho-

logical and geographical profiles. He has lectured in the United States and
Europe on serial murder, cyber-stalking, and criminal investigative psychol
-
ogy. He is a former North Carolina police officer. Dr. Godwin’s teaching and
research includes concentration in areas of applied psychology, criminology,
and criminal investigations. His current research interest includes developing
a behavioral model of hackers and aspects of intrusion detection.
Web site :
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
Introduction
Criminal psychology encompasses a host of related disciplines such as person-
ality theory, forensic psychology, environmental psychology, clinical psycho-
logy, and the relatively new field of criminal investigative psychology. While all
these fields relate in some way to general psychology, certain segments within
each field deal directly with criminality. Forensic psychologists testify in court
as experts on the potential danger that is posed by a defendant. Environmental
psychologists study how humans behave in the environment. Criminal investi
-
gative psychology is defined as the systematic examination of unsolved crime
constituents and the application of scientific methods to supply investigative
support to law enforcement. The main focus of this book is the field of criminal
investigative psychology. This process utilizes an applied psychology/ crimi
-
nology perspective with the aid of multivariate statistical analysis in order to
develop practical methods applicable to police investigations. Hence, the crim
-
inal investigative psychologist is interested in getting into the offender’s
“shoes” rather than his “mind.” The field of criminal investigative psychology
is comprised of a broad range of disciplines, with no one dominant field.
Consequently, this book contributes in a variety of ways to the criminal

investigative psychological process by bringing together alternative methods
for solving crime.
When one thinks of forensic technology, several disciplines immediately
come to mind such as medical and forensic detectives that have been made
popular by television. A criminalist who collects and analyzes forensic clues
such as blood and semen found at a crime scene is using just one type of
forensic technology. However, forensic technology is juxtaposed to many dis
-
ciplines, including criminal psychology, as this book will demonstrate. Forensic
technology is defined in this book as any forensic tool or application that assists
in solving crimes. For example, two alternative forensic tools used in criminal
investigations that could complement each other are pollen analysis (palynol
-
ogy), which is the assessment of pollen grains and spores taken from a pollen
sample found on a victim’s clothing, and geographical profiling, which
attempts to pinpoint the likely home base of an unknown offender based on
relevant crime locations. For instance, using a geographical profile of the
highest probable location for an offender’s home base, pollen samples from
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
the predicted suspect’s home environmental surroundings could be com-
pared to pollen samples taken from the victim’s clothing or from some other
evidential source for comparison. So, although articles detailing various
forensic techniques and criminal psychology are found in separate chapters,
many of the studies are uniquely interwoven, and if used together could form
a powerful investigative tool.
Psychology theories are rarely forged with forensic techniques in an effort
to solve crimes. One may ask, is this not what profilers do when they sub
-
jectively draw a mental picture of an unknown offender? Granted, it is the
profiler’s intent to use some aspect of psychology to paint a picture of a likely

suspect in a crime. However, the process of drawing conclusions about an
offender’s personality and forensic clues left at a crime scene is based on
deduction of past case experiences rather than systematic research. Not until
this publication has there been a book devoted exclusively to combining
aspects of psychology with forensic technology to solve crimes.
The book will be useful and interesting to social scientists, professionals,
and students in the fields of criminology, criminal justice, police studies,
psychology, sociology and behavioral studies. From a practical perspective,
actual case studies are used to show how specific procedures relate to ongoing
police investigations. The broad range of practical information will make
Criminal Psychology and Forensic Technology a standard reference book for
students of criminology, psychologists, detectives, police officers, and a variety
of other types of investigators. A brief overview of each chapter is given below.
Section 1. Forensic Science and Criminal Investigations
In a crime where detectives are faced with few or no physical clues at the
scene, they often turn their attention to forensic techniques to determine
what occurred. The traditional forensic techniques that detectives routinely
rely on are fingerprint analysis, plaster cast molding of a tire or shoe print,
and analysis of hair and fiber evidence. More recently, the use of DNA analysis
has improved the chances of solving crimes. While these approaches still
remain an integral part of the investigator’s crime-fighting arsenal, other
lesser known forensic techniques are beginning to play a substantial role in
bringing predators to justice.
When no obvious physical evidence has been left at the scene by a crim-
inal, nature may play a role in bringing him or her to justice. Various envi-
ronmental elements such as trees and leaves each have a unique DNA makeup,
which can be transferred to a victim’s clothing or, as in one murder case in
Florida, to the suspect’s truck bed. Three articles that deal specifically with
alternative forensic techniques are the focus of Section 1. Each chapter is
equally weighted with unique information that will assist investigators in

understanding how the methods can be used in criminal investigations.
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
Section 2. Criminal Profiling: From Art to Science
This section introduces a series of writings providing insight into the
highly controversial and often contradictory field of criminal profiling.
Psychological profiling in its present form is flawed due to inferred deductive
and clinical assumptions and “leap in the dark” conclusions about offender
actions and characteristics based solely on gut feelings or derived from mem
-
ories of past cases. This type of profiling can be empirically unsound and
misleading for police investigations. As an alternative, Section 2 presents
various forms of research which can lead to more productive profiles and
better solutions to criminal investigations.
Section 3. Classifying Crime Scene Behavior: New Directions
A number of factors can interfere with adequate empirical evaluation
into the variables that contribute to the success or failure of a profile or
criminal investigation, and a more systematic and empirical approach to
decision-making is needed. Contrary to the deductive process, where general
-
izations guide conclusions, the inductive process is an empirical approach,
with conclusions derived from scientific analysis. For example, an inductive
method derives general principles about the behaviors of serial murderers
by empirically examining particular facts from a large number of solved
cases in order to look for trends of behaviors over time. In contrast to the
deductive process, which starts with assumptions about behavior, inductive
profiling relies on data gathered from crime scenes, police reports, psycho
-
logical evaluations, method examiners’ reports, and victimology reports that
is empirically analyzed to test a theory. The chapters in Section
3 describe

the inductive process of determining how crime scene behavior relates to
classification of the offender.
Section 4. Profiling and Linking Crimes
This section includes two important studies. Recognizing links between
offender patterns is one of the most crucial skills of an investigator. Early
recognition of similar patterns can lead to focusing resources, improving
clearance rates, and ultimately saving lives. The first chapter describes how
the non-metric multidimensional scaling procedure, Smallest Space Analysis,
was used in linking the serial murder offenses of John William, Jr. in Raleigh,
North Carolina. The results of this chapter support the notion that to cor
-
rectly link unsolved crimes, behavior selection must be a valid indices of
offender consistency, which can only be achieved through scientific research
and replication using different data sets. The second chapter addresses the
issue of linking murders committed by nurses or health care providers. The
authors suggest that rapid epidemiological investigation could identify com
-
mon exposure to one person and therefore prevent further harm to patients.
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
The third chapter provides a brief overview of the pitfalls associated with
computerized linking databases such as VICAP, HITS, and HALT. These three
chapters outline a number of ways in which linking offenses can be improved.
Section 5. Cyber-Crimes
With the rapid growth of information technology, a book on alternative
methods for investigation crimes would not be complete without a section
on computer crimes. While some law enforcement agencies are responding
to cyber-crimes, most investigators are not fully aware of the problem and
lack the expertise to pursue this type of criminal. The inherent problems with
the definitions of hacker and cracker are addressed here. Gordon Meyer calls
on his years of experience in computer technology to expose the myths about

the computer underground world of hackers, phreakers, and pirates. Tim
Jordan and Paul Taylor present a unique discussion on the sociology of
hackers. They argue that at present there is no detailed sociological investi
-
gation of the hacking community, despite a growing number of racy accounts
of hacker adventures. This excursion into the world of hacking and cracking
can provide police investigators with alternative information about this
emerging crime.
Section 6. Psycho-Geographical Profiling
It has been established that there is a relationship between solving crimes
and having information about locations that criminals habitually travel to in
the areas close to their homes. For example, the mental map we draw of an
area changes over time, and often reflects how much time we spend in an area
and the variability of our purposes for being there. Based on this premise, a
field of crime analysis has emerged called geographical profiling. Geographical
profiling is defined as the analysis of relevant crime locations in order to predict
the likely home base area of the offender. Geographical profiling is quite dif
-
ferent from the more traditional crime mapping technique that is often per-
formed by crime analysts using a geographical information system (GIS).
Rather than producing aggregate crime mapping results revealing hot spots,
areas where a particular type of crime is clustering, geographical profiling is
concerned with individual spatial behavior and predicting the offender’s resi
-
dence based on crime locations such as victims’ body dump sites, abduction
sites, and locations where physical evidence was found. Conversely, the term
psycho-geographical profiling was coined by Dr. Maurice Godwin in 1995,
while a doctorate student at the University of Liverpool in England. Psycho-
geographical profiling differs from the traditional definition of geographical
profiling in that it involves the use of theories from environmental psychology

and other psychological literature in order to explain why criminals behave the
way they do in the environment. Psycho-geographical profiling does not solve
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
cases. Rather, this method provides an additional avenue of scientific investiga-
tion that, with the aid of other forensic specialities covered in this book, could
re-focus an investigation. The actual search for the perpetrator remains com
-
pletely in the hands of the police. Five chapters that specifically deal with the
psycho-geographical behavior of criminals are featured in Section 6.
Section 7. Ethics in Profiling
Given the fact no formal requirements, educational or otherwise, must
be met in order to qualify as a criminal profiler, it is most appropriate to
conclude with a section that deals directly with the issue of ethics in profiling.
In the first chapter, author Lynn Burnett brings to the surface several cases
where profiles were rendered but later turned out to be totally wrong. The
second chapter addresses the issue of ethics and forensic psychology, high
-
lighting specific areas where conflicts of interest could arise. The authors
provide several ways to deal with these types of situations. The final chapter
explores the ethics of criminal profiling. The authors elegantly argue that due
to various media portrayals of profiling, proliferation of the technique has
gone virtually unchallenged without examination of its actual utility and
accuracy. The chapter concludes with a discussion regarding the misuse of
criminal profiling and the absolute absence of any guidelines for its applica
-
tion to criminal investigations.
A Final Thought
When all clues have been exhausted and the investigation is at a stalemate,
Criminal Psychology and Forensic Technology: A Collaboration Approach to
Effective Profiling is the alternative information source to turn to.

© 2001 CRC Press LLC
Contributors
Thomas W. Adair is a senior laboratory technician at Arapahoe County
Sheriff’s Office, Littleton, Colorado. He is also employed in the Department
of Bioagricultural Sciences and Pest Management at Colorado State Univer
-
sity, Fort Collins, Colorado.
Jonathan D. Alston holds an M.A. degree in criminology from Simon Fraser
University in Canada. He is currently a Ph.D. candidate in criminology at
The University of Alberta, Edmonton, Canada.
Michael D. Biderman is assistant professor in the Department of Psychology
at the University of Tennessee at Chattanooga. He has special interests in
computer analysis, mathematical models, and multivariate scaling techniques.
Carl E. Booth earned a B.S. degree in psychology from the University of
Tennessee at Chattanooga and has been a detective with the Chattanooga
Police Department since 1968. Detective Booth is also a consultant with Police
Research Consultants.
Lynn Barkley Burnett is a health science professor, medical educator, and
clinical ethicist. He has served as the medical advisor to the Fresno County
Sheriff ’s Department for more than two decades, during which time he has
informally advised other law enforcement agencies as well. Dr. Burnett has
been a participant in numerous suspicious death investigations and hundreds
of forensic autopsies, and has presented papers at the American Academy of
Forensic Sciences examining homicide and sudden death. He has made con
-
tributions to the literature in the discipline of ethics, and has authored chap-
ters for a textbook of emergency medicine addressing cocaine toxicity, sudden
infant death syndrome, and domestic violence. Dr. Burnett’s opinion is fre
-
quently sought in the resolution of ethical dilemmas involving patients hos-

pitalized at Community Medical Center, where he is vice chairman of Medical
Ethics.
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
David Canter is professor of psychology at the University of Liverpool, where
he is director of the Investigative Psychology program. He has published
20
books and over 150 papers in professional journals, and lectured around
the world on various aspects of scientific psychology.
Stephen Coleman is a fellow of the Center for Applied Philosophy and Public
Ethics and a lecturer in ethics at Charles Stuart University’s School of Police
Studies, New South Wales.
Margaret Cox is a reader in archaeological sciences in the School of Conser-
vation Sciences at Bournemouth University, England. She is the course leader
in the master of science degree in Forensic Archaeology. She is a senior
archaeologist at Gifford & Partners (consulting engineers). Her research
interests include integrated management and monitoring of terrestrial wet
-
lands; ecology and archaeology of Glasson Moss, Cumbria (English Nature);
population of St. Augustine the Less, Bristol, AD 1000-1900; life and death
in post-medieval towns and cities; Saxon cemetery populations in East Anglia;
taphonomy; and forensic archaeology.
Andrew Day is a clinical and forensic psychologist currently working for the
National Health Service in the U.K. He has previously worked in a number
of forensic settings, including the prison service in both the U.K. and Aus
-
tralia, and in an offender treatment unit. His research interests include
offender rehabilitation, service evaluation in criminal justice settings, and the
role of anger in offenders.
Kriss A. Drass is a professor of criminal justice at the University of Nevada,
Las Vegas. He has published extensively in the areas of racial differences in

crime rates, criminal processing, and applications of QCA to describe various
types of social behavior.
Charles Frost is professor emeritus of justice systems at Truman State Univer-
sity (Kirksville, Missouri) and visiting associate professor of criminal justice
at Westfield (MA) State College. He holds a bachelor’s degree from Tufts
University and his masters and doctorate from the Fletcher School of Law and
Diplomacy. Prior to his academic career he served with the Navy, the Central
Intelligence Agency, the White House Drug Abuse Prevention Office, and the
Drug Enforcement Administration. Dr. Frost’s teaching interests include
criminal intelligence collection and analysis, organized crime, comparative
criminal justice systems, intelligence and national security, and international
law. He has written extensively on report-writing techniques and the selection
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
of intelligence personnel. He is a charter member of the International Asso-
ciation of Law Enforcement Intelligence Analysts and served as Secretary to
the Board of Governors of the Society of Certified Criminal Analysts.
Edward J. Green is professor and head of the Department of Psychology at
the University of Tennessee at Chattanooga. He is a consultant with Police
Research Consultants and is the author of Psychology for Law Enforcement.
Andrew F. Hayes earned his Ph.D. in social psychology from Cornell Univer-
sity in 1996. He is currently a research statistician at the Amos Tuck School
of Business Administration and an adjunct assistant professor in the Depart
-
ment of Psychological and Brain Sciences at Dartmouth College. His interests
include computationally intensive statistical methodology, meta-analysis,
multivariate statistics, and social psychology.
Tom Henderson is a senior registrar in psychiatry at Greater Glasgow
Community and Mental Health Services, NHS Trust.
Terry Hutter is a geoscientist specializing in palynology, paleontology, and
visual organic geochemistry. Dr. Hutter holds a Ph.D. in geology and palynol

-
ogy from Greenwich University. He is president of T.H. Geological Services,
Inc., Sand Springs, Oklahoma.
Harvey Irwin is an associate professor of psychology at the University of New
England, Australia, where he teaches a course in psychopathology. His prin
-
cipal research interests include the nature of dissociation and the dissociative
disorders, the psychological consequences of childhood trauma, personality
disorders, the origins and psychological functions of belief in the paranormal,
and psychological bases of parapsychological experiences. He is the author
of several books and over 100 articles.
Tim Jordan is a lecturer in sociology at Open University in England.
Brian Kidd is a consultant psychiatrist, Community Addiction Service,
Bellsdyke Hospital, Central Scotland Health Care.
Richard N. Kocsis is a lecturer in violent crime investigation at the New South
Wales Police Academy, Charles Stuart University. He is also unit chief of the
Criminal Profiling Research Unit, an Australian national research center com
-
mitted to the research and development of criminal profiling techniques for
the assistance of all Australian law enforcement and fire investigation agen
-
cies.
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
Gordon Meyer began researching the computer underground in the mid
1980s. The paper reprinted here was seminal in what became the first ethno
-
graphy of the hacker community. (The Social Organization of the Computer
Underground, 1989.) Today, Gordon lives in the Silicon Valley where he works
as a human interface designer for a well-known computer company.
Terance D. Miethe is a professor of criminal justice at the University of

Nevada, Las Vegas. He is the author of three books and numerous articles in
the areas of criminal processing, crime and victimization theory, and whistle
-
blowing as a method of exposing occupational deviance.
Ronald Nunn has been an officer in the New South Wales police service for
the past 39 years. He is commander of the New England area command. He
holds special interests in environmental disputes and the maintenance of
public order.
Brodie Paterson is a lecturer at Forth Valley Campus, Stirling University,
Scotland.
Cameron Stark is a consultant in public health medicine in Scotland.
Paul Taylor is a lecturer in sociology at the University of Salford in England.
Arvind Verma holds a Ph.D. in criminology. His dissertation involved develop-
ment of new mathematical tools for criminal justice practitioners. Before
joining the faculty at Indiana University, Professor Verma was a senior officer
of the Indian Police Service. He served for 17 years in various capacities in
law enforcement. His areas of interest are policing, research methods, crim
-
inal justice in India, fuzzy logic, geographical information systems, and math-
ematical applications.
Paul Whetham is a lecturer for the counseling program at the University of
South Australia. He is a qualified clinical psychologist and has previously
worked in social welfare settings and with young offenders in residential
settings. He is interested in constructivist approaches to psychology, with a
particular interest in the development of relationships in the clergy.
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
Dedication
This book is dedicated to my wife, Helen, and to Molly, my Weimaraner.
For the known and unknown victims and their families.
One need not dwell on criminal motives to explain interpersonal crime —

instead, one can take as given an offender predisposed to crime and proceed
to analyze patterns of behaviors
A. Karemen
Crime Victims: An Introduction to
Victimology (1984)
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
Table of Contents
1
Forensic Science and Criminal Investigations
1.1 Forensic Archeology: A United Kingdom Perspective
1.2 Palynology: A New Tool for the Forensic Investigator
1.3 Forensic Entomology: A Valuable Resource for
Death Investigation
2
Criminal Profiling: from Art to Science
2.1 Criminal Intelligence – The Vital Resource: An Overview
2.2 Construction of Offender Profiles Using Fuzzy Logic
2.3 Reliability, Validity, and Utility of Extant Serial
Murderer Classification
2.4 Criminal Psychology Profiling in Violent Crime Investigations:
A
Comparative Assessment of Accuracy
3
Classifying Crime Scene Behavior:
New Directions
3.1 Exploring the Social Context of Instrumental and
Expressive Homicides: An Application of Qualitative
Comparative Analysis
3.2 Death by Detail: A Multivariate Model of
U.S. Serial Murderers’ Crime Scene Actions

3.3 Cluster Analysis of Burglars’ Modus Operandi (M/O)
4
Profiling and Linking Crimes
4.1 One Offender – Five Victims: Linking the Offenses of
the Serial Killer John Williams, Jr.
4.2 Nurses Who Kill: Serial Murder in Health Care Institutions
4.3 Weaknesses in Computerized Linking Data Bases
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
5
Cyber-Crimes
5.1 Hackers, Phreakers, and Pirates: The Semantics of
the Computer Underground
5.2 Sociology of Hackers
6
Psycho-Geographical Profiling
6.1 The Serial Rapist’s Pattern of Target Selection
6.2 Victim Target Networks as Solvability Factors in
Serial Murder
6.3 Encounter and Death: The Spatial Behavior of
U.S. Serial Killers
6.4 Geographical Profiling
6.5 A Psycho-Geographical Profile of a Series of
Unsolved Murders in Raleigh, North Carolina
7
Ethics in Profiling
7.1 The Role of Ethics in Criminal Profiling
7.2 Ethics and Forensic Psychology
7.3 The Unexplored Ethics of Criminal Psychological Profiling
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
Forensic Science

and Criminal
Investigations
1.1 Forensic Archaeology: A United Kingdom Perspective
MARGARET COX
Forensic archaeology is defined in a United Kingdom context as the application
of the principles and methods of the discipline of archaeology to locate and
recover buried remains, and associated evidence, within the judicial frame
-
work. In the U.K., forensic anthropology is the analysis of skeletal material
derived from forensic contexts. The two are distinctly different subjects. Most
forensic archaeologists are not competent forensic anthropologists, and vice
versa, although there are, as always, exceptions to this rule. In this chapter,
I
will elucidate the differences between U.K. and U.S. development and
approaches, and discuss in some detail the key contributions currently made
by forensic archaeologists within the U.K., and to the investigation of genocide
on four continents.
1.1.1 Introduction to Forensic Archaeology and Anthropology
From a U.K. perspective, and perhaps wearing “rose-colored glasses,” there
appears to be an almost seamless continuum between anthropology and
archaeology in the U.S., with forensic applications of both happily ensconced
within. Not so in the U.K. Here, period-based archaeology encompasses a
wide range of traditionally defined specialties including biological anthro
-
pology, environmental archaeology (e.g., palynology and entomology), and
geophysical prospection. Despite the best efforts of U.K. practitioners and
exponents, forensic applications of archaeology and anthropology are largely
shunned by the majority of mainstream archaeologists and anthropologists,
where they are seen as somewhat ghoulish and irrelevant to the intellectual
goals of both disciplines. This situation is unfortunate, and it is hoped that

with time this barrier will be removed. The use of forensic data as archaeo
-
logical analogues will assist in this process.
1
In a forensic context, anthropology would seem to be the lead discipline
in the U.S., with archaeology providing invaluable contextual information
for recovered human remains but little more. This is despite the pioneering
works of Morse et al.
2
and Sigler-Eisenberg,
3
and the later contributions of
1
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
Killam
4
and France et al.
5
In the U.K. that relationship is reversed, and for
the most part, anthropological skills are not involved at all.
1
To place forensic archaeology and anthropology in its developmental
framework, we have to look to the U.S., where forensic anthropology
developed from the 19th century. While the first documented case is arguably
the investigation of the fate of Jezebel in the Old Testament,
6
a more factual
basis for its origin lies with the work of Thomas Dwight in the 1870s.
7
Dwight’s contribution was followed by such notables as Dorsey at the close

of the century,
8
and by the 1960s the concept and practice of forensic anthro-
pology was well integrated into the U.S. legal system.
9
Works by Snow and
Isçan
10
describe the development and evolution of the subject in detail. It is
not surprising that the forensic applications of biological anthropology were
first developed in the U.S. Consider the favorable context and stimulus of the
diverse range of variables responsible:
• War-dead repatriation and the consequent need for identification has
been fundamentally important in the development of both biological
and forensic anthropology.
• Relatively low population density and vast expanses of uninhabited
land have all encouraged murderers to dump victims’ bodies in such
areas, confident that the remains will be skeletonized before recovery.
• The bodies will also probably be scavenged and scattered by the range
of insect, avian, and faunal scavengers that the U.S. is home to.
The situation in the U.K. is very different. Here, the application of bio-
logical anthropology is almost totally confined to archaeological specimens,
and in the rare cases where skeletons are recovered in a forensic context, the
forensic pathologist usually undertakes the examination, despite his or her
relatively limited experience of examining skeletal material.
11
The reasons for
this are equally as diverse:
• We do not repatriate our war-dead.
• We do not have large areas of uninhabited land.

• We have a relatively low murder rate (approximately 800 in 1998), few
of which are either dumped or buried.
• The U.K. has a temperate climate and wet (often clay) soils which
retard decomposition.
• Most victims of murder whose bodies are recovered are found before
skeletonization takes place, and where such victims are buried and
recovery delayed, they are usually wrapped in synthetic materials,
retarding decomposition.
© 2001 CRC Press LLC
• Where a corpse is exposed, scavengers are limited to insects, with little
current evidence to suggest avian activity as a serious consideration.
12
Foxes and badgers are the principle faunal species likely to be involved
in scavenging.
The U.K. situation is exemplified by the results of a recent survey of all
U.K. police forces, which shows that 99% have never used the services of a
forensic anthropologist.
11
Nevertheless, despite a dearth of interest by our
medicolegal services in the potential of anthropology to judicial enquiries,
the 1990s saw the rise of forensic archaeology as an investigative tool. Clearly,
our understanding of the terminology is somewhat different from our U.S.
counterparts, so exactly what do we mean by the term?
While archaeological techniques were occasionally employed earlier,
forensic archaeologists were first employed in the U.K. in the Stephen Jen
-
nings case in 1988.
7
Since that time, largely reflecting the diligence and
perseverance of Professor John Hunter (University of Birmingham), its use

has slowly spread until today most police forces have employed archaeology
for certain cases. As developed and defined in the U.K., forensic archaeology
encompasses a broad range of aspects and expertise which are presented in
the order of magnitude in which each is currently employed:
1. Search and location
2. Recovery and excavation of human remains and other materials
3. Recording the burial context
4. Facilitating the work of other forensic experts by appropriate sampling
and recording of the burial environment, e.g., toxicology, entomology,
ballistics, palynology, and soil analysis
5. Interpreting and reporting findings, and presenting evidence in court
6. Forensic anthropology
7. Conservation of recovered materials using passive conservation methods
to meet new legislative requirements (Criminal Proceedings and Inves
-
tigations Act, 1996).
4,7
Consequently, whereas in the U.S. archaeological skills are largely con-
fined to the excavation of remains already located, in the U.K. the remit is
much wider and includes a breadth of archaeological skills which are not
generally applied in the U.S. The function and rationale of each will now be
discussed briefly. More attention is given to issues not previously considered
in standard texts on this subject.
1.1.2 Search and Location
The methods utilized in the search for a buried victim or other materials (e.g.,
buried stolen goods, weapons) are the most significant and frequent input of