Gender Mainuireaning In Academie Leadership From The Experiences Of Female University Academic And Aidministrative Staff At A Higher Education Institution In Southern Vietnam Ma .Pdf

Gender Mainstreaming in Academic Leadership: From the Experiences of
Female University Academic and Administrative Staff at a
Higher Education Institution in Southern Vietnam
アカデミックリーダーシ ップにおけるジェンダー主流化―
ベトナム南部の高等教育機 関における女性の大学教職員の経験から

Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
International Christian University

国際基督教大学大学院

アーツ・サイエンス研究科

May 17, 2021
2021 年 05 月 17 日

TRINH, Kim Ngan
チン, キム ガン


Gender Mainstreaming in Academic Leadership: From the Experiences of
Female University Academic and Administrative Staff at a
Higher Education Institution in Southern Vietnam
アカデミックリーダーシ ップにおけるジェンダー主流化―
ベトナム南部の高等教育機 関における女性の大学教職員の経験から

A Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences,
International Christian University
for the Degree of Master of Arts
Public Policy and Social Research Program

国際基督教大学大学院 アーツ・サイエンス研究科
公共政策・ 社会研究 専攻提出修士論文

May 17, 2021
2021 年 05 月 17 日

TRINH, Kim Ngan
チン, キム ガン

Approved by:
NISHIMURA, Mikiko 西村幹子
Thesis Advisor

論文指導教


Abstract
The thesis examined efforts in mainstreaming gender equality at a public university in
Southern Vietnam, the essence of being a female academic leader, and factors that were
essentially affecting gender mainstreaming efforts at this university. A case study was
conducted to explore the phenomenon of how women academics were empowered through
experiences recounted at their leadership positions. Document analysis, semi-structured indepth interviews conducted on 8 female academic leaders and 2 policymakers, and a
questionnaire administered to the university staff, all combined to provide rich data in
generating meanings for a detailed description of the phenomenon at this typically
progressive case. Even though the case university presents favorable conditions for
mainstreaming gender equality, findings suggested that certain micro-inequities were still
persistent such as the age in gender training policy, misrecognition and the ambivalence
towards a female being a senior academic leader. The incongruence in individual needs and
the ways the university celebrated the gendered self also reflected that the idea of gender
mainstreaming was not fully understood in the context of the study. Implications were

included for the female academic leaders of the case university and for other relevant public
university contexts in Vietnam. Policy implications concerning quality assurance,
autonomization and research orientation were also proffered, aiming towards setting the
background for future trajectories of gender mainstreaming and its role in deepening
understanding and shaping academic leadership in Vietnam’s higher education governance.

i


Acknowledgement
“It takes a village to raise a child.” The child here is my thesis. And also, me.
I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my thesis advisor, Professor
Nishimura Mikiko, for her dedication and continuous support for my M.A. thesis and
research journey at International Christian University (ICU). Her work ethics inspired me,
and her timely advice always kept me on the ground, which all together helped me grow as
a researcher.
It is wholeheartedly appreciated that all of my courses at ICU and the meaningful
discussion that I had with my professors, classmates, and dear friends did cultivate my
personality, mindset and competence. Pursuing graduate study at a liberal arts university had
thus become such a fantastic experience.
I am indebted to all of my research participants, who had helped me unconditionally
and had provided me with the valuable information that directly contributed to the
materialization of this thesis. In addition, I would like to thank all the researchers whose
works I was able to build this thesis.
Finally, I would like to send my special regards to the Japan International
Cooperation Agency (JICA) and the Japan Project for Human Resource Development
Scholarship (JDS) for supporting and funding my two-year knowledge quest at ICU. All of
the JICA and ICU coordinators did their best in helping me and my fellows not feeling like
a fish out of water. We thrived together on this meaningful journey of becoming dedicated,
thoughtful citizens.

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List of Abbreviations
HCMC

Ho Chi Minh City

HEIs

Higher Education Institutions

HERA

Vietnam's Higher Education Reform Agenda

IWA

Intellectual Women’s Association

MOET

Ministry of Education and Training

VNU

Vietnam National University

VWU

Vietnam Women’s Union

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List of Tables
Table 2.1. Gender Distribution in Higher Education Leadership in Vietnam .................................. 30
Table 3.1. Demographic Information of Interview Informants ........................................................ 51
Table 3.2. Distribution of Questionnaire Items................................................................................. 55
Table 3.3. Conceptual Clusters Generated from the Theoretical Framework .................................. 57
Table 3.4. Research Questions and the Corresponding Research Instruments ................................. 58
Table 4.1. Current Practices and Policies at University A through the Lens of GM ........................ 63
Table 4.2. Composition of University A’s Communist Party Members........................................... 54
Table 4.3. Opinions of Staff on Gender-Related Aspects of Work Environment ............................ 68
Table 4.4. Descriptive Statistics Associated with Staff’s Gender and Opinions of Work Environment
........................................................................................................................................................... 70
Table 4.5. Results of Independent-samples t-Test on Staff’s Gender and Opinions of Work
Environment ...................................................................................................................................... 70
Table 4.6. Opinions of University Staff on Human Resource Policies in 2020 ............................... 71
Table 4.7. Meanings of Academic Leadership Dimensions ............................................................. 75
Table 4.8. Female Leaders’ Description of Leadership Styles ......................................................... 76
Table 4.9. Opinions of University Staff on Female Academic Leaders ........................................... 81
Table 4.10. Descriptive Statistics of Staff’s Gender and Opinions about Female Academic Leaders
........................................................................................................................................................... 82
Table 4.11. Results of Independent-samples t-Test on Staff’s Gender and Opinions of Female
Academic Leaders ............................................................................................................................. 83
Table 4.12. Female Leaders’ Perceptions of Micro-Inequities in Academic Leadership ................. 84
Table 4.13. Categorization of Meanings: University A as a Gendered Organization ...................... 89
Table 4.14. Opinions of University Staff on the Relevance of Gender in the Workplace ................ 93

Table 4.15. Frequency and Chi-Square Results for Gender and Understanding of GM .................. 94
Table 4.16. Categorization of Meanings related to Women’s Empowerment at University A ........ 98
Table 4.17. Membership Distribution of Survey Respondents ....................................................... 103

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List of Figures
Figure 1.1. Shared Percentage of M.A. and Doctorate Degree Holders by Region and Sex,
2016 ....................................................................................................................................... 2
Figure 2.1. The Organizational Structure of the Vietnam Women’s Union ....................... 14
Figure 2.2. Dimensions of School Leadership Nature......................................................... 19
Figure 2.3. Distribution of Public Universities by Governing Authority in Vietnam ......... 27
Figure 2. 4. Administrative Career Path to Mid-Level Leadership ..................................... 32
Figure 2. 5. Academic Career Path to Mid-Level Leadership ............................................. 32
Figure 2.6. Step-by-step Model of Leadership Development ............................................. 38
Figure 3.1. Conceptual Framework ..................................................................................... 44
Figure 4.1. Staff’s Experience with Previous Training Related to Gender Issues .............. 67
Figure 4.2. Staff’s Level of Familiarity with the Concept of Gender Mainstreaming ........ 94
Figure 4.3. Staff’s Level of Confidence in Addressing Gender Equality Issues at Work ... 95

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Table of Contents
Abstract ................................................................................................................................... i
Acknowledgement ................................................................................................................. ii
List of Abbreviations ............................................................................................................ iii
List of Tables ........................................................................................................................ iv
List of Figures ........................................................................................................................ v

Table of Contents.................................................................................................................. vi
Chapter 1. Introduction ...................................................................................................... 1
1.1. Research background and problem statement ............................................................ 1
1.2. Purpose of the study ................................................................................................... 5
1.3. Significance of research.............................................................................................. 5
1.4. Outline of the thesis .................................................................................................... 7
Chapter 2. Literature Review ............................................................................................. 8
2.1. The gender outlook in Vietnam: Feminist views in a socialist country ..................... 8
2.2. Gender and academic leadership in higher education .............................................. 19
2.3. Gender mainstreaming in academic leadership ........................................................ 34
2.4. Reflections on previous literature ............................................................................. 40
Chapter 3. Methodology.................................................................................................... 43
3.1. Research questions and conceptual framework ........................................................ 43
3.2. Research design ........................................................................................................ 45
3.3. Selection of research site and participants ................................................................ 47
3.4. Data collection procedures ....................................................................................... 52
3.5. Research instruments ................................................................................................ 53
3.6. Data analysis procedures .......................................................................................... 56
3.7. Reliability and validity considerations ..................................................................... 59
3.8. Reflexivity ................................................................................................................ 60
Chapter 4. Findings ........................................................................................................... 62
4.1. Efforts in mainstreaming gender equality ................................................................ 62
4.2. The essence of being a female academic leader ....................................................... 74
4.3. Factors affecting gender mainstreaming practices at the case university ................. 88
Chapter 5. Discussion ...................................................................................................... 105
5.1. Emergent themes in exploring gender aspects in academic leadership .................. 105
5.2. Vietnam HEIs as gendered organizations: commonalities and discrepancies ........ 113
5.3. Implications ............................................................................................................ 116
vi

Chapter 6. Conclusions and Recommendations ........................................................... 120
6.1. Concluding thoughts ............................................................................................... 120
6.2. Contributions of the study ...................................................................................... 121
6.3. Limitations of the study .......................................................................................... 122
6.4. Recommendations for future research .................................................................... 123
References ......................................................................................................................... 125
Appendices ........................................................................................................................ 135
Summary of Master’s Thesis ............................................................................................. 156

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Chapter 1. Introduction
This chapter provides a panoramic view of the thesis. The first section introduces the
research background on gender in academia in Vietnam’s context and the need for carrying
out the study. From this departure point, the purposes of the study are clarified in the second
section. The third section presents the research significance in the theoretical, practical and
contextual realms. Finally, the fourth section provides an outline of the whole thesis.

1.1.

Research background and problem statement

Gender inequality in leadership is a worldwide systemic problem. In the context of higher
education, the under-representation of women academics, especially in senior leadership
positions, is not only framed as an international phenomenon but also a social justice issue
(Aiston et al., 2020). Across national boundaries, women leaders are exposed to analogous
stereotypes that form sexist prejudice in organizations; and to the media that scrutinize their
physical appearance, clothing, and family responsibilities while portraying the male

counterparts as dealing with substantive issues (Cheung & Halpern, 2010). A general sense
is that, when discussing gender inequality, the focus is usually directed at women and their
experiences.
There is an assumption that, in highly competitive, research-intensive environments,
academic women might face even more significant barriers in their career advancement
(Aiston et al., 2020). While research performance is the pathway to promotion in the “global
prestige economy of higher education,” there is extensive evidence indicating a gendered
research productivity gap (Kandiko et al., 2018). Also, Asian culture places a premium on

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women as dutiful wives, mothers, and homemakers (Chiricosta, 2010), which may influence
career choices made by female academics. What is problematic is the policy response to the
underrepresentation of women academic leaders, which has not even been fully understood,
especially from the point of view of middle management and male colleagues (Aiston et al.,
2020).
Common challenges are thus anticipated in the case of Vietnam as well. According
to Figure 1.1, the percentage of women attaining masters’ and doctorate degrees was still
lower than that of men in all disaggregated groups across various regional contexts (GSO,
2018). The pictured bar graph in Figure 1.1 indicates, at first glance, the idea that female
scholars, either in rural or urban areas, tend to be considered the consumer rather than the
producer of knowledge, hinting at potential unequal power relations in academia. With the
projection that male intellectuals occupy larger representation in terms of research
productivity, it is also important to inquire whether this discrepancy affects women
intellectuals' experience in academic leadership and professional advancement.

Figure 1.1
Shared Percentage of M.A. and Doctorate Degree Holders by Region and Sex, 2016
Note. Figured bar graph from “Gender statistics in Vietnam” by General Statistics Office of

Vietnam, 20181

1

/>
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In addition, in the Anglophone sphere, metaphorics on women in academia abound,
revolving around the academic institutions and women academics themselves (Amery et al.,
2015). According to Husu (2001, p. 173), these metaphors were born in an attempt to
“crystalize the complexities of women’s position and the persistence of gender inequalities
in academia.” The former type of metaphor refers to representation, seniority, leadership and
work-life balance (e.g., glass ceiling, pipeline effect, the old boys’ network, chilly climate,
the ivory basement) while the latter deals with gender norms and women’s experiences (e.g.,
mothers/housekeepers, strangers/outsiders, catfights, queen bees, the Matilda effect
(Rossiter, 1993) ) (Amery et al., 2015, pp. 250-252). Meanwhile, there were hardly any
metaphors with negative connotations illustrating the men academics’ experiences. Even
when men work in a traditionally women-dominated environment, they enjoy the “glass
escalator,” which means an automatic, invisible and unearned competitive advantage
(Williams, 1992, as cited in Moratti, 2020, p. 864). These metaphors have also received
criticism in terms of not capturing both structural and agentic dynamics, especially when
being placed in non-Western cultures (Husu, 2001). For instance, in the context of Vietnam’s
academia, there are no such parallel convenient metaphors or articulated stereotypical
language concerning the image of female academics or the gender issue in academia. The
same metaphorics or stereotypical language cannot be applied to talk about the situation in
academia in another random context. Thus, there is a need for more research to explore
gendered structures and cultures of academia, which would contribute to explaining nuances
and relevant issues regarding the context-specific nature of academic leadership amidst
current changes of public universities.

Public universities in Vietnam present an interesting case study as they are situated
in a socialist country with the Vietnam Communist Party (VCP) leading and overseeing the
general operations at public institutions. If there are any progressive changes at public higher

3


education institutions (HEIs), these changes are necessarily reflective of the VCP’s strategic
plans. The overseeing role of the VCP is constitutive to what Hoang (2019) called a “socialist
gender regime” where changes in strategic planning have always been connected to national
independence and the Marxist-socialist ideological paradigm. As public universities are
situated in the “socialist gender regime” of Vietnam (Hoang, 2019), the presence and
connotation of gender mainstreaming may not be widely perceived by its human resource,
especially those at critical leadership positions (Salmi & Pham, 2019). Besides, in a public
university, a female academic holding a leadership position takes on various roles in the
academic, administrative, political and domestic domains, all of which may vary according
to different temporal and spatial contexts. Currently, though Vietnam’s public universities
are undergoing autonomization and renovations towards becoming research universities,
certain forms of incongruence still exist, making it harder to adopt gender-related or feminist
ideas and fitting them in the organizational culture (Salmi & Pham, 2019; Vo & Lacking,
2020). Moreover, feminist theories and the idea of critical mass need to be revisited in the
Vietnamese context, considering women not as a homogeneous group but as mosaic of
individuals with different needs that require strategic planning in fostering such critical
human resources. Women academics in the present urban, modern context were often
overlooked as they have acquired a critical mass (through the quota policy) and a favorable
working condition. However, set in this “suggested” socialist gender regime, their
representation, political participation and professional development at the university also
need further examination.
As emerging issues are expected to be present in each particular university context,
this case study is considered relevant in revisiting the interrelatedness among gender

mainstreaming, human resource development and academic leadership, which would
consequently become contributive to improving university governance knowledge. Any

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lessons learned from a case study could be applied to public universities undergoing similar
dynamics. In generating rich data to understand more about the actualization of gender
mainstreaming in Vietnam, the present study does not confine itself to only seeking causes
of women academics’ disadvantages but also generates real-life narratives to realize a
development agenda for gender equality in leadership at public universities and the factors
or persons critical in driving this agenda. The present study was set in the context of urban,
southern Vietnam, where traditional values co-exist with palpable global forces and
influences of modern feminist ideas. Besides, the researcher also took into consideration the
current processes of autonomization and research orientation of Vietnamese public
universities, which are not in sync with its leadership dimensions (Vo & Laking, 2020). In
this respect, emerging challenges and dilemmas are presented not only to women academics
themselves, but also to the general human resources working at public universities.

1.2.

Purpose of the study

A case study on women academics’ experiences at a Vietnamese public university was
conducted to:
(i)

Provide rich data concerning the experiences of female academics at a public
university in the southern, urban context of Vietnam;

(ii)

Deepen understanding of how women are empowered in academic leadership in
higher education;

(iii)

Extend existing research on gender issues and practices in higher education
leadership;

1.3.

Significance of research

At the theoretical level, the research is expected to extend the existing literature on gender
equality in academia as well as to contextualize the gender mainstreaming process,
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contributing to the growing body of literature on women leadership in HEIs. In addition, the
research also contributes to the literature on gender mainstreaming and its context-specific
implementation and reception, prompting further research in the field of educational
management and leadership.
As a case study, findings from the research informs actions and provides suggestions
for improving and implementing gender policies concerning leadership and professional
development in higher education. The study’s findings can serve as a valuable source of
information for women academics as well as public universities undergoing similar changes,
especially in the ASEAN region where the ASEAN University Network (AUN) plays an
important role in shaping universities’ quality assurance and accreditation processes.
Women academics can also refer to the study’s findings to reflect on their career pathway.

Insight into the significance of gender in terms of academic leadership can motivate Vietnam
public universities to pay attention to gender analysis when working on their institutional
designs towards research orientation.
Past studies were often conducted in the northern part of the country, focusing on
women’s work-life balance under Confucianism ideologies’ influence. The present
qualitative case study takes an interest in the case of women academics in the urban-south
context, revisits the role of HEIs in facilitating women’s leadership, discovers microinequities and situates them in the context of autonomization and research orientation at
public universities. In brief, the present research aims to complement but not duplicate
previous studies in exploring emerging themes of empowering female intellectuals in the
higher education context of Vietnam.

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1.4.

Outline of the thesis

The thesis is organized into six chapters:
Chapter 1 provides the rationale for conducting the study in Vietnam in the context
of higher education. Chapter 2 constructs a literature review on gender, academic leadership
and relevant concepts associated with gender mainstreaming through four parts. In this
chapter, section 1 introduces the gender outlook in Vietnam. Section 2 further investigates
the gender concept in academic leadership, both in the global and Vietnames context.
Section 3 reviews the bodies of theories related to the study. The last section reflects on
previous studies and generates the research gap. Chapter 3 introduces and provides
explanation for the research questions, the conceptual framework and the methodology
employed in the thesis. In particular, this chapter offers a meticulous presentation of how
participants were recruited, why certain instruments were employed, and the categorization
of conceptual clusters for data analysis. The research reliability, validity and the researcher’s

reflexivity are also clarified. Chapter 4 presents the results which are organized according to
the three research questions in the study. Chapter 5 discusses the emerging themes in the
study. This chapter also revisits the idea of university as a gendered organization and proffers
implications in the context of Vietnam. In chapter 6, the concluding thoughts are presented,
together with the study’s contribution, its limitations and the corresponding suggestions for
further research in the field of gender studies and leadership in higher education.

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Chapter 2. Literature Review
Chapter 2 examines literature relevant to different contextual levels of gender issues in
higher education. The first section introduces the current gender outlook in Vietnam through
three aspects, namely the socio-cultural aspects, the legal and policy framework, and the
institutional support framework. The second section presents prior knowledge and empirical
studies related to gender and academic leadership, revealing an interplay between the gender
knowledge in several country contexts and the organizational structure in which the
gendered self is rendered. The third section examines the concept of gender mainstreaming
and its relevance with other concepts in the context of higher education. Finally, the fourth
part reflects on previous studies and articulates the research gap that requires further research.
2.1. The gender outlook in Vietnam: Feminist views in a socialist country
This section revisits the idea of “the culture of gender” in Vietnam (Dang, 2017) based on
previous studies of both Vietnamese and non-Vietnamese scholars.
2.1.1. The socio-cultural aspects of gender in Vietnamese society
Vietnam presents an interesting case where, from historical facts, women were not originally
oppressed (Nguyen, 2011). Women were key hero icons in the fights against Chinese
cultural and political domination (e.g., Hai Bà Trưng, Bà Triệu, etc.) (Chiricosta, 2010).
History remembered women and their noble victories, yet at the same time, helped build the
association of women’s image with sacrifice and endurance, celebrating their achievements
and success in most often a nationalistic manner. In a sense, they can be heroes in the public

sphere, yet they still hold an irreplaceable, essential role in the private sphere: the domestic

8


role as a “homemaker” in the family. In every society, there exist gender norms that lay
down the roles and behaviors differentiating the experiences of women and men. Traditional
Confucian expectations for women in how they behave in the domestic domain still persist
in Vietnam (Nguyen, 2011). What perpetuates these expectations is actually the unresolved
contradictions in the construction of womanhood, where gender equality and gender
hierarchy mingled (Schuler et al., 2006). Accordingly, Vietnamese women grow up with a
value-laden concept of womanhood, where society celebrates them for hard work, proper
behaviors and a life-long focus on family roles.
To Fahey (1998), women’s roles underwent a reconstruction in the domestic sphere
thanks to economic renovation. However, there remains a syndrome of traditional
preferences for segregated and different gender roles. Nowadays, as the country has been
advancing in its economic development after the Renovation (Đổi Mới) in 1986, Vietnamese
women also find themselves caught in the contradicting parallels: advancing in career while
retaining the cultural values associated with them (Nguyen & Simkin, 2017). On the one
hand, women advance with their participation in the social development of the country; on
the other hand, they live up to the adage of “men build the house and women make it home,”
bearing in mind that it is their roles and duties in homemaking, childrearing and maintaining
family stability. Women who fail to maintain both the public and domestic roles tend to face
public sanction for losing the “face” of themselves and their family (Nguyen & Simkin,
2017, p. 610). This is one fundamental structural reason that leads to various constraints at
different levels in achieving gender equality in the country.
Previous studies also mention that what makes the gender situation in Vietnam
become intricate is the differences that have often been overlooked between the North and
South of Vietnam. The regional differences are attributed to the historical, cultural, social
and economic context (Phuong, 2007). Before the country regained independence in 1975,

9


the majority of men from the Northern part joined the military. The domestic roles of
Northern women were thus much more firmly established than their Southern counterparts
(Fahey, 1998). Later on, especially since the 1980s, the Southern part of the country became
more exposed to globalization, forcing more participation of women in the labor market,
and gradually induced changes in the labor division in both the public and private spheres
(Fahey, 1998). As a result, women in the South are most often known to be more
economically independent; and in their domestic sphere, have fewer constraints on their
duties in the family. There are now minor yet perceivable differences between the North and
the South of Vietnam in terms of family and working roles of women, entailing further
differences between rural and urban areas and discrepancies among women coming from
different economic classes (Hoang, 2019).
Hoang (2019) articulates that Vietnam, as a socialist country, has not been truly
classless and equal. It has been proven that the country has attained a high level of gender
equality. However, the are two forms of gender equality that exist in Vietnam: formative (de
jure) gender equality (i.e., the legal and policy framework) and practical (de facto) gender
equality (i.e., the actual implementation and presentation of gender advocating institutions)
(Le, 2013). Also, the idea of feminism is convoluted when being applied to Vietnam
considering there is not a single word in the Vietnamese language that can best capture the
connotation of this Western-originated word (Chiricosta, 2010). When it comes to gender
equality in Vietnam, there is the invisibility of structural inequalities that perpetuate the
“self-contradictory gender regime” (Hoang, 2019, p. 309). It is that urban, middle-class
women whose lifestyles were transformed amidst the tension of “gender subjectivities and
the socialist model of moral womanhood” of the state (Hoang, 2019, p. 307). The
ambivalence of the state in reframing a socialist model of womanhood could be further

10

revealed through the country’s legal and policy framework in recent years, as well as the
institutions that contextualize, promote and define gender mainstreaming in Vietnam.
2.1.2. The legal and policy framework for gender mainstreaming in Vietnam
Vietnam is a progressive country in terms of gender equality promoting policies. The
Communist Party's first Political Theses in 1930 affirms that it is critical to liberating people,
social classes, and women in the national revolution. The National Constitution in 1945
asserts that men and women are equal. In the amended National Constitution in 1960, Article
24 articulates:
“For the same job duty, women receive the same salary as men. The state
guarantees workers and civil servants to take leave before and after giving
birth and still receive full wages. The state protects the interests of mothers
and children, ensures the development of midwives, daycare centers and
kindergartens. It protects marriages and families.”
From such a favorable socio-political and economic context, Vietnam ratified the
Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)
in 1982, only two years since its official enforcement (Le, 2013). In 2006, the Law on
Gender Equality was born as an effort in internalizing CEDAW. The Law on Gender
Equality includes 6 chapters and 44 clauses, with the content focusing on the goal of
reaching gender equality, state policies, state management units and specific implementation
strategies to promote gender equality. Consequently, the first law on Domestic Violence
Prevention and Control (DVPC) was passed by Congress in 2007 and came into effect in
early 2008. This legal reform helped to open a window of opportunity, drawing domestic
violence out of the state of being “a private matter” in Vietnam and into the attention of the
general public, professional services and international agencies.

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The legal and policy framework for gender mainstreaming in Vietnam is often
discussed in connection with the country’s process of decentralization. Currently, there are
four layers of government in Vietnam, which are the central, provincial, district and
commune bodies, all residing under the Communist Party’s oversight. According to
Decision 11-NG/TW on Refining the socialist-oriented market economy institution, the state
proposes a women’s quota of 30 percent to ensure the presence of female deputies in the
National Assembly. Though this is strongly maintained at the national framework (Vietnam
has 26.7 percent of seats shared by women in the parliament), reality implementation of the
policies at local levels has been weak (Truong, 2008). Even though the gender policy
structure is relatively comprehensive in Vietnam, there are still institutional challenges, such
as a top-down approach and the lack of coordination mechanisms between government
agencies, that limit the process of political decentralization (Jones & Tran, 2012). Limited
gender awareness and a lack of gender impact analysis at different levels also contribute to
limitations in the overall political environment of gender mainstreaming in Vietnam (Truong,
2008).
Besides, in terms of socio-economic context, it is reported that working women in
Vietnam are still under-represented in top business management and decision-making
positions (International Labor Organization, 2015). Though there is progress in developing
a supportive legal framework as well as the country’s international commitment to ensuring
gender equality, women are still receiving restrictions in the workplace based on their
reproductive role, the retirement age (which has recently been proposed for changes in 2019)
and their responsibility for childcare. On the surface, this discrimination is subtle. As for its
effects on women, these job restrictions create a “pipeline” or “glass-ceiling” effect (Morley,
2013), which means women are still facing barriers that bar them from their career
advancement opportunities as well as leadership development. As an answer to the outside

12


forces of the globalization and feminist ideas, Vietnamese socialism with the party-led

government did not aim to eradicate traditional cultural values but find a connection between
the traditional past and the socialist present to retain national identity (Chiricosta, 2010).
This has created a unique pathway for the country in exerting and operating its institutional
framework of gender mainstreaming.
2.1.3. Institutional framework for gender equality in Vietnam
Ensuring de jure and de facto gender equality is the major challenge for all countries
in the world, and Vietnam is no exception. In Vietnam, the responsibility for the
implementation of gender policies is assigned to women-focused bodies such as the Vietnam
Women’s Union (VWU) and the National Committee for the Advancement of Women
(Truong, 2008). The Vietnam Women’s Unions and its related agencies play a key role in
mediating the progress in ensuring gender equality in different socio-economic aspects of
the country.
According to Schuler et al. (2006), the Vietnam Women’s Union (VWU), as a mass
organization “representing the rights and interests of women from all strata,” has functioned
as an intermediary institution between the Vietnam Communist Party (VCP) and the people
in terms of policy development and implementation of the country’s progressive approach
to gender equity. According to Figure 2.1, the organizational structure of the VWU (Figure
2.1) reflects its representation at four layers of government and has always maintained the
voluntary nature of its membership. Under the oversight of the VCP, at the central level, the
VWU partakes in policy and law drafting processes relating to women, children, family,
ethnics and religions. It has departments and agencies that shoulder the implementation tasks
as proposed and decided by the National Congress. At the provincial, district and commune
level, the VWU proves to have efficient grass-root activities that reach well to its members.

13


However, overall, its political role is consultative, not decision-making (Waibel & Glück,
2013).

Figure 2.1
The Organizational Structure of the Vietnam Women’s Union
Note. From Waibel & Glück (2013, p. 349)

In general, VWU cannot be called an environment that aims for fostering gender
activism in the country. According to the Political Report of Central Executive Committee
of the Vietnam Women's Union (Session XI at the 12th National Women's Congress) in
2017, the organization reiterated its mandate of “Solidarity, innovation, equality and
integration” to fit in with the state’s goals of “Affluent people, strong nation, liberty, justice
and civilization.” More specifically, the VWU continues to cooperate with the Vietnam
General Confederation of Labour to spearhead the “Good at national tasks, good at
household tasks” movement from 2017-2022, which has long been caught in various
controversial ideas. As this title is particularly aimed for women, its connotation somehow
suggests a marginalization of women’s roles and emphasizes the exclusive role of women
in the private, unpaid sphere of labor division. Meanwhile, it was claimed by the VWU that
the female employees in both public and private sectors have matured from this movement,
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and hence, promote their capacity to perform well the functions of a good mother, wife, and
family “manager,” establishing their position in society and in the family.
Also, in this Political Report, the VWU recognizes its drawbacks amidst the new
requirements of the period of accelerating industrialization and modernization of the
country’s international integration. The movements that the VWU advocates were perceived
to have not well reached the women in non-state enterprises and organizations. In addition,
it overlooks many social issues and gender stereotypes, such as single-mother, same-sex
marriage, premarital abortion, that are affecting the psychology and emotions of female
employees in different professional areas. With a mandate that contributes to strengthening
the Communist Party and state governance while striving for gender equality in Vietnamese
society, the VWU is put at the crossroads of many roles that it needs to fulfill to function

well in the gender regime of the country.
Hoang (2019) refers to this gender regime as “Vietnam’s socialist gender regime,”
being linked with the quest for national independence and the Marxist-socialist ideological
paradigm. The author cautioned against the tendency to view women’s political
representation and their empowerment as a “straightforward causal relationship” (Hoang,
2019, p. 12). Hoang (2019) also pointed out the need to consider the intersectionality of
gender and class, stating that privileged women in leadership tend to be mistaken for
empowered women, thus concealing the structural inequalities. As they gather together,
women have personal and collective needs: among these needs, whose voices should be
heard becomes an issue. Therefore, the role of VWU is questioned in terms of its
collectiveness and representativeness for all women.
The VWU, though being a primary vehicle for developing and implementing policies
to approach gender equality, still have programs that essentialize the domestic roles of
women, such as the top-down, tokenistic celebration for women who are “good at national

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tasks, good at household tasks” and the movement that promotes the three criteria of
“studying actively, working creatively and raising children well” (Schuler et al., 2006). In
defending women’s rights and interests, the VWU presents “a unique Vietnamese feminist
movement” (Chiricosta, 2010) that promotes the portrayal of socialist womanhood and
triggers female solidarity. What makes this unique image of Vietnamese female model
appear positive was its idiosyncrasy as a socialist, collectivist answer to contrast with a
notion of Western feminism that was deemed to be “individualistic and colonialist” in
mentality (Chiricosta, 2010).
The Reform (Đổi Mới) in 1986 has allowed the VWU to shift its attention from class
struggles to issues of personal interests and awareness of women’s rights, gradually driving
its agenda away from the nationalistic one. Ever since the Law on Gender Equality was
ratified in 2007, several non-government organizations and academic institutions have

formed a partnership for gender equality (Chiricosta, 2010). However, weaknesses are still
present due partly to the hierarchical structure of the organization and a centrally planned
gender policy that does not allow much leeway for innovative ideas and critical perspectives
at grass-root levels.
Thanks to the Reform on 1986, Vietnam has become more open and also
demonstrated its active international commitment to promoting gender equality as being a
member of the CEDAW, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights, Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and ILO Conventions on Equal
Remuneration and Discrimination (UNDP, 2012). UNDP (2012) also listed the strategic
programs aiming for the country’s gender equality, which are the National Strategy on
Gender Equality 2011-2020 and the National Programme on Gender Equality (2011-2015),
with the latter concentrating on “strengthening women leaders at the administrative and
legislative level.” Also, according to UNDP (2012), Vietnam was shifting from a direction

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