university of calgary press space and spatial analysis in archaeology dec 2005

S p a c e
and
S p a t i a l a n a l y S i S
i n a r c h a e o l o g y
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61729 i-140.indd 2 8/10/06 2:36:11 PM
edited by Elizabeth C. Robertson,
Jeffrey D. Seibert, Deepika C. Fernandez, and
Marc U. Zender
S P A C E
AND
S P A T I A L A N A L Y S I S
I N A R C H A E O L O G Y
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© 2006 Elizabeth C. Robertson, Jeffrey D. Seibert, Deepika C.
Fernandez, and Marc U. Zender
Published by the University of Calgary Press
2500 University Drive NW, Calgary, Alberta, Canada
T2N 1N4 www.uofcpress.com
Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication
University of Calgary. Archaeological Association. Conference
(34th : 2002 : University of Calgary)
Space and spatial analysis in archaeology / edited by Elizabeth
C. Robertson [et al.].
Co-published by the University of New Mexico Press.
Papers originally presented at the Conference: Space and spatial
analysis in Archaeology held at the University of Calgary, Nov.
18th., 2002.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 10: 1-55238-168-4 (University of Calgary Press)

ISBN 13: 978-1-55238-168-7 (University of Calgary Press)
ISBN 10: 0-8263-4022-9 (University of New Mexico Press)
ISBN 13: 978-0-8263-4022-1 (University of New Mexico Press)
1. Social archaeology—Congresses. 2. Spatial systems—
Congresses. 3. Archaeological geology—Congresses. 4.
Landscape archaeology—Congresses. 5. Archaeoastronomy—
Congresses. I. Robertson, Elizabeth C., 1971- II. Title.
CC72.4.U56 2005 930.1 C2005-902763-0
No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
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the prior written consent of the publisher or a licence from The
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We acknowledge the financial support of the Government of
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Program (BPIDP), the Alberta Foundation for the Arts and the
Canada Council for the Arts for our publishing program.
Printed and bound in Canada by
This book is printed on 55 lb. Eco book Natural.
Cover design by Mieka West.
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TAB L E O F CONTE N T S
Preface ix
Kathryn V. Reese-Taylor
Acknowledgments xi
Elizabeth C. Robertson, Jeffrey D. Seibert, Deepika
C. Fernandez, and Marc U. Zender
1. Introduction xiii
Jeffrey Seibert

Part I : The ore tical and Conceptual Ap proaches
2. Beyond Geoarchaeology: Pragmatist Explorations of Alternative
Viewscapes in the British Bronze Age and Beyond 3
Mary Ann Owoc
3. Perceptions of Landscapes in Uncertain Times: Chunchucmil,
Yucatán, Mexico and the Volcán Barú, Panama 15
Karen G. Holmberg, Travis W. Stanton, and Scott R. Hutson
4. Specialization, Social Complexity and Vernacular Architecture:
A Cross-Cultural Study of Space Construction 29
Elizabeth A. Bagwell
5. Maya Mortuary Spaces as Cosmological Metaphors 37
Pamela L. Geller
Part II : I ntrasite Spatial Analysis
6. The Behavioural Ecology of Early Pleistocene Hominids in the
Koobi Fora Region, East Turkana Basin, Northern Kenya 49
S. M. Cachel and J. W. K. Harris
7. Spatial Models of Intrasettlement Spatial Organization in the EIA of
Southern Africa: A View from Ndondondwane on the Central Cattle Pattern 61
Haskel Greenfield and Len O. van Schalkwyk
8. The Intrasettlement Spatial Structure of Early Neolithic Settlements
in Temperate Southeastern Europe: A View from Blagotin, Serbia 69
Haskel Greenfield and Tina Jongsma
Part III : Architec tural Complexe s
9. The Inhabitation of Río Viejo’s Acropolis 83
Arthur A. Joyce
10. Who Put the “Haram” in the Mahram Bilqis? 97
William D. Glanzman
11. The Form, Style and Function of Structure 12A, Minanhá, Belize 107
Jeffrey Seibert
12. The Machine in the Ceremonial Centre 115

H. Stanley Loten
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13. Messages in Stone: Constructing Sociopolitical
Inequality in Late Bronze Age Cyprus 123
Kevin D. Fisher
14. Individual, Household, and Community Space in Early
Bronze Age Western Anatolia and the Nearby Islands 133
Carolyn Aslan
Part IV: Urban Spaces and Cit y scapes
15. Body, Boundaries, and “Lived” Urban Space: A Research
Model for the Eighth-Century City at Copan, Honduras 143
Allan L. Maca
16. The Symbolic Space of the Ancient Maya Sweatbath 157
Mark B. Child
17. Space, Place, and the Rise of “Urbanism” in the Canadian Arctic 169
Peter C. Dawson
18. Architectural Variability in the Maya Lowlands of the Late Classic
Period: A Recent Perspective on Ancient Maya Cultural Diversity 177
Martin Lominy
19. Maya Readings of Settlement Space 189
Denise Fay Brown
20. Spatial Alignments in Maya Architecture 199
Annegrete Hohmann-Vogrin
21. Archaeological Approaches to Ancient Maya Geopolitical Borders 205
Gyles Iannone
Part V: Landscape and N atur al Env ironmen t
22. Reconstructing Ritual: Some Thoughts on the Location
of Petroglyph Groups in the Nasca Valley, Peru 217
Ana Nieves
23. “What You See is Where You Are”: An Examination

of Native North American Place Names 227
Christine Schreyer
24. Burials and the Landscapes of Gournia, Crete, in the Bronze Age 233
Georgios Vavouranakis
25. The Origins of Transhumant Pastoralism in
Temperate Southeastern Europe 243
Elizabeth R. Arnold and Haskel J. Greenfield
26. Clovis Progenitors: From Swan Point, Alaska to Anzick
Site, Montana in Less than a Decade? 253
C. Vance Haynes, Jr.
27. Impacts of Imperialism: Nabataean, Roman, and Byzantine
Landscapes in the Wadi Faynan, Southern Jordan 269
Graeme Barker, Patrick Daly, and Paul Newson
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Part VI : I n Tran sit: The Archaeolog y of Transpor t ation
28. Comparing Landscapes of Transportation: Riverine-Oriented and Land-
Oriented Systems in the Indus Civilization and the Mughal Empire 281
Heather M L. Miller
29. The Life and Times of a British Logging Road in Belize 293
Olivia Ng and Paul R. Cackler
30. Moving Mountains: The Trade and Transport of Rocks and
Minerals within the Greater Indus Valley Region 301
Randall Law
31. Hidden Passage: Graeco-Roman Roads in Egypt’s Eastern Desert 315
Jennifer E. Gates
32. Boats, Bitumen and Bartering: The Use of a Utilitarian Good to
Track Movement and Transport in Ancient Exchange Systems 323
Mark Schwartz and David Hollander
Part VII : Textual and Iconogr aphic Approaches
33. Weaving Space: Textile Imagery and Landscape in the Mixtec Codices 333

Sharisse D. McCafferty and Geoffrey G. McCafferty
34. Engendering Roman Spaces 343
Penelope M. Allison
35. A Star of Naranjo: The Celestial Presence of God L 355
Michele Mae Bernatz
36. Performing Coatepec: The Raising of the
Banners Festival among the Mexica 371
Rex Koontz
Part VIII : Framework for the Fu ture
37. Archaeology in the New World Order: What We Can Offer the Planet 383
Carole L. Crumley
Index 397
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Pr e faC e
Kathryn V. Reese-Taylor
Kathryn V. Reese-Taylor, Department
of Archaeology, University of
Calgary, 2500 University Drive
N.W., Calgary, Alberta T2N 1N4,
Canada.
Each year the undergraduate and graduate students
of the Chacmool Archaeological Association and the
Department of Archaeology, University of Calgary,
sponsor the Chacmool Conference. The first Chacmool
Conference, held in 1967, was a one-day workshop
focused on the topic “Early Man and Environments
in Northern North America.” Five papers were pre-
sented at the workshop. Over the next few years other
workshops were organized, again dealing with topics

relevant to the early peopling of North America.
In the ensuing years, the event, which is organized
around a central theme, has attained the status of a
major conference on both a national and international
level. Scholars from all regions of Canada, the United
States, and throughout the world regularly attend and
present papers, and as a result the conference has
become the largest thematic archaeological and cross-
disciplinary conference in North America.
The papers from these conferences were published
as proceedings, edited by graduate student members
of the Chacmool Association. These publications
have proven to be extremely successful endeavours
and have included many volumes that have become
classics, such as The Archaeology of Gender (Walde and
Willows 1989) and Debating Complexity (Meyer et
al. 1993). However, the Chacmool Conferences and
the subsequent publications have become victims
of their own success. Because of the growth in the
number of papers submitted for both the conference
and the proceedings, the Chacmool Association and
the Department of Archaeology decided to seek out-
side help with the publication and distribution of the
Chacmool series.
Therefore, in 2002, the executive members of
the Chacmool Association and the editors of the
2001 Chacmool Conference volume approached the
University of Calgary Press. The resulting partnership
has lead to a new publication series in association with
the Chacmool Conference, a series that continues to

be guided and edited by members of the Chacmool
Association, but also undergoes a rigorous process of
peer review. Consequently, it is our hope that this, the
inaugural volume, will reflect the underlying spirit of
the previous Chacmool Association publications, as
well as the professionalism that can be afforded by a
university press.
The papers included in this volume reflect the
breadth of the 2001 Chacmool Conference, which ad-
dressed four areas of investigation under the rubric
of spatial studies: archaeoastronomy, geoarchaeology,
landscape studies and spatial analysis. These topics
are united by their focus on understanding humanity’s
interaction with the environment, both physically, as
well as cognitively. Significantly, this was one of the
first conferences to address the issue of spatial stud-
ies from a multiplicity of perspectives. Other thematic
conferences have chosen to limit their focus to one, or
at most two, of the topics addressed during the 2001
Chacmool Conference. However, by choosing to con-
textualize the question of spatial analysis broadly, the
conference organizers sought to engender a cross-dis-
ciplinary discussion.
In conclusion, we anticipate that this volume, like
the conference, will be an important resource for
scholars of many disciplines to explore a multiplicity
of perspectives regarding space and spatial studies –
ancient people’s relationship with their environment,
however they choose to conceive of it.
Kathryn Reese-Taylor

Faculty advisor for the 2001 Chacmool Conference
r e f e r e n C e s CI T e d
Meyer, D. A., P. C. Dawson, and D. T. Hanna (editors)
|1996| Debating Complexity: Proceedings of the 26th
Annual Chacmool Conference. Chacmool Archaeological
Association, University of Calgary, Calgary, Alberta.
Walde, D., and N. D. Willows (editors)
|1989| The Archaeology of Gender: Proceedings of the 22nd
Annual Chacmool Conference. Chacmool Archaeological
Association, University of Calgary, Calgary, Alberta.
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xi
aCknowle d g m e n Ts
Elizabeth C. Robertson, Jeffrey D. Seibert, Deepika
C. Fernandez, and Marc U. Zender
Elizabeth C. Robertson, Department of
Archaeology, University of
Calgary, 2500 University Drive
N.W., Calgary, Alberta T2N 1N4,
Canada.
Jeffrey D. Seibert, Department of
Archaeology, University of
Calgary, 2500 University Drive
N.W., Calgary, Alberta T2N 1N4,
Canada.
Deepika C. Fernandez, Department of
Archaeology, University of
Calgary, 2500 University Drive
N.W., Calgary, Alberta T2N 1N4,

Canada.
Marc U. Zender, Peabody Museum, Harvard
University, 11 Divinity Avenue,
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138,
U.S.A.
This volume could not have happened without the
contributions of many individuals and organizations.
Based on papers originally presented at the 34th
Annual Chacmool Conference, held at the University
of Calgary from November 14 to 18, 2001, it would not
exist without the tremendous efforts of all those who
helped organize, run and fund the conference. In par-
ticular, we would like to thank the conference chairs,
Christine Cluney, Janet Blakey and Andrew White,
and their faculty advisers, Dr. William Glanzman and
Dr. Kathryn Reese-Taylor, for putting together an ex-
tremely successful conference that featured an array
of fascinating and thought-provoking presentations
that formed the nuclei of the papers that we have the
honour of publishing in this volume.
We also would like to express our thanks to Dr.
Kathryn Reese-Taylor for her ongoing contributions as
faculty adviser to the 2001 Chacmool editorial com-
mittee and to Dr. J. Scott Raymond for his invaluable
assistance as general editor of Chacmool publications.
This volume marks the first Chacmool publication to
be issued by the University of Calgary Press, an en-
deavour which would not have happened without their
guidance. For this, we would like to like to express
our appreciation to everyone at the Press, with spe-

cial thanks to Walter Hildebrandt, John King, Wendy
Stephens, and Joan Barton for their patience and as-
sistance with our many questions. We would also like
to thank the reviewers to whom the Press forwarded
our initial manuscript; their thoughtful and insight-
ful comments have made it a much stronger volume.
We also owe special thanks to the administrative
staff of the University of Calgary’s Department of
Archaeology, Lesley Nicholls, Nicole Ethier and Anna
Nicole Skierka, for all their help putting the volume
together, and to the 2001, 2002, 2003 and 2004 ex-
ecutive committees of the Chacmool Archaeological
Association for their assistance.
We would like to acknowledge the Social Science
and Humanities Research Council of Canada, the
University of Calgary’s Research Grant Committee,
the Department of Archaeology and the Chacmool
Archaeological Association for their financial assist-
ance with the organization of the 2001 Chacmool
Conference and the production of this volume.
Last but certainly not least, we want to express our
appreciation to everyone who contributed papers to
the volume. It is entirely a reflection of their tremen-
dous patience and effort, and we cannot thank them
enough.
Elizabeth C. Robertson
Jeffrey D. Seibert
Deepika C. Fernandez
Marc U. Zender
2001 Chacmool Conference editorial committee

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xiii
Ch ap te r O ne I N TRO DUC T ION
I N T ROD U C TI O N
Jeffrey Seibert
Jeffrey Seibert, Department of Archaeology,
University of Calgary, 2500
University Drive N.W., Calgary,
Alberta T2N 1N4, Canada.
Spatial analysis has long been an important aspect of
the archaeological endeavour and has provided numer-
ous insights into the behaviour, social organization and
cognitive structures of past cultures. Spatial analyses
of archaeological materials have become quite varied
as diverse methods and theoretical approaches have
emerged, making the concept of space somewhat neb-
ulous. The theme for the 2001 Chacmool Conference
was chosen to serve as a forum to discuss these diverse
approaches.
The response to this proposed theme was enor-
mous, and the 2001 Chacmool Conference was one of
the largest conferences in this annual series of meet-
ings, both in terms of the number of papers presented
and the number of conference attendees. While this
was no doubt due in part to the breadth of this topic, it
was also due to the fact that spatial analysis of archaeo-
logical materials has been recognized as being one of
the most important ways of gaining insights into past
forms of social and cultural organization.

One of the attractive aspects of a conference organ-
ized around this theme is that space, both as a theo-
retical and methodological concern, is not constrained
by any of the grand theoretical paradigms or meta-nar-
ratives of the social sciences (see Johnson 1999:162–
163) or what Trigger (1989:19–25) refers to as “High
Theory.” Spatial analyses and approaches to space in
archaeology are instead what Trigger (1989) refers to
as “Middle Level Theory,” because it attempts to ex-
plain and account for patterning in the archaeological
record. In short, spatial analysis in archaeology is rel-
evant to scholars pursuing all sorts of “higher level”
theoretical questions, insofar as the spatial analysis of
archaeological materials allows for the generalizations
to be drawn that fuel the higher level theoretical infer-
ences.
As Kroll and Price (1991) note, spatial analyses of ar-
chaeological remains are as old as the discipline itself,
as the context and provenience of artifacts have been
recorded in excavations of archaeological sites since
the beginnings of modern archaeology. While Kroll
and Price (1991:1) make this assertion with particular
reference to Paleolithic archaeology, this early focus
on spatial approaches to archaeology is also true of
archaeologists working in the Scandinavian tradition,
such as Thomsen and Worsae (see Trigger 1989:76–
86). In these early examples of archaeological research
concerned with space, the spatial arrangements of ar-
tifacts, features and architecture were recorded with
functional interpretations in mind, but were not con-

ceived of as being the key to either sociocultural
systems, as the later functionalist and processual-
ist archaeologists believed, or imbued with multi-
faceted sociocultural meanings, as many postproc-
essual archaeologists believe. The influence of the
Scandinavian archaeologists on scholars working in
other areas of Europe and in North America in the late
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries meant the
spread of this increasingly spatial view of archaeology,
and the transformation of earlier antiquarian studies of
artifacts into systematic analyses of artifacts in context
(Trigger 1989).
The techniques employed in these early excavations
of archaeological sites were often crude by modern
standards with regards to their recording of the spa-
tial arrangements of these sites (Trigger 1989:196). It
was not until the late nineteenth century that methods
of recording the provenience of artifacts were compa-
rable to modern “scientific” archaeological standards.
The improvement of these methods has often been at-
tributed to A. Pitt-Rivers (see Daniel 1967:225–233),
although there were other scholars that were employ-
ing similarly meticulous methods at roughly the same
time as Pitt-Rivers (Trigger 1989:196–199).
Despite these early studies of the spatial layout
of archaeological sites, most scholars would concede
that explicitly spatial approaches to archaeology de-
veloped in conjunction with the functional approach
to archaeology, pioneered by scholars such as Clark
(1954) in Europe, and Willey (1948) in North America

(see Trigger 1989:264–274). These analyses sought
to explain the correlation between spatial patterning
of artifacts and architecture in sites and the way that
past societies functioned as systems. The importance
of spatial analysis was further underscored by Walter
Taylor (1948) in his discussion of his conjunctive ap-
proach to archaeology, which emphasized the impor-
tance of the analysis of all forms of material and eco-
logical evidence recovered from archaeological sites
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s PaCe an d s PaT Ia l ana lysI s I n arCh ae olo gy
xiv
and the spatial relationships between these lines of
evidence.
As ecological concerns became increasingly impor-
tant in archaeology, spatial approaches to the analysis
of archaeological remains expanded to include settle-
ment studies. These studies sought to examine the
relationship between the spatial patterning of settle-
ments on the natural landscape and ecological deter-
minants of settlement (Willey and Sabloff 1993:172–
176). The first of the studies, and the most influential,
was Willey’s (1953) study of settlement patterns in the
Viru Valley in Peru. This study sought to explain the
relationship between settlement, environment and so-
ciocultural systems over time (and obviously space),
and sparked considerable interest in this aspect of spa-
tial analyses of the material remains of past cultures.
As functionalism gave way to processualism as the
prevailing paradigm in archaeology in the Americas,

spatial analyses continued to be important, and indeed
blossomed as archaeologists sought to explain inter-
cultural regularities through the analysis of the spatial
patterning of architecture and artifacts in a number of
contexts (see Trigger 1989:289–326 and Willey and
Sabloff 1993:214–305 for a discussion of processual-
ism). Settlement studies, discussed above, became an
important part of any archaeological project (Willey
and Sabloff 1993:216–219), and archaeologists sought
increasingly to draw cross-cultural generalizations re-
garding the relationship between past behaviours and
modern ethnographic observations.
The work of Lewis Binford (1968:27) perhaps best
exemplifies this approach, with his assertions that
one of archaeology’s main goals should be to develop
“laws of cultural dynamics.” This was done by com-
paring ethnoarchaeological observations about the
spatial patterning of artifacts with the archaeological
past and attempting to discern regularities between
past and present societies. This is exemplified by
Binford’s (1980) famous discussion of the relationship
between ethnoarchaeology and the archaeological
past entitled “Willow Smoke and Dogs’ Tails: Hunter-
Gather Settlement Systems and Archaeological Site
Formation.” In this paper, he asserts that observations
about various contemporary hunter-gatherer groups’
mobility patterns and internal site arrangements can
serve as direct analogies by which to explain spatial
patterning in the archaeological record. By doing this,
Binford effectively projects the present onto the past,

and asserts that the patterns seen in present times are
representative of broader reaching behavioural pat-
terns that transcend temporal and cultural differenc-
es.
In a related vein is the work of Susan Kent (1983),
Nicolas David (1971), Carol Kramer (1979) and other
ethnoarchaeologists who were working on similar
problems regarding the spatial organization of present
societies and their relevance to archaeological inter-
pretation in the 1960s and 1970s. Kent’s (1983) work
regarding the spatial organization of residences in vari-
ous cultural groups in the United States is a fine ex-
ample of the processual approach to the ethnoarchae-
ology of space. She conducted ethnoarchaeological
studies of Navajo, Euroamerican and what she terms
“Spanish-American” households in order to examine
how they were organized spatially. She proceeded, in
turn, to compare these spatial patterns to Navajo ar-
chaeological sites in order to test hypotheses regarding
the organization of Navajo households over time. This
is an example of Binford’s (1980) approach to ethnoar-
chaeology, outlined above, being applied to a broader
study. It is interesting to note, and will be discussed in
further detail below, that ethnoarchaeologists, despite
the strongly processual genesis of their approach to
archaeology, were instrumental in bringing postproc-
essual archaeology into the spotlight in the U.K. and
subsequently North America.
In a less nomothetic albeit equally processual vein is
the work of Kent Flannery and his students, who often

employ overtly spatial approaches in their studies of
Mesoamerican archaeology. This approach is perhaps
best exemplified in The Early Mesoamerican Village
(Flannery 1976a), an edited volume that examines the
study of early Mesoamerican villages from an explic-
itly spatial standpoint. Much of this volume is devoted
to the analysis of settlement patterns and systems (e.g.,
Flannery 1976b, 1976c; Earle 1976; Rossmann 1976 to
name just three examples), community organization
(e.g., Flannery 1976d; Marcus 1976; Whalen 1976) and
the organization of households (e.g., Flannery 1976e;
Flannery and Winter 1976; Winter 1976). In effect,
this book is an archaeological how-to manual about the
spatial analysis of small scale agrarian societies, com-
plete with amusing anecdotes regarding the follies of
pseudo-fictitious Mesoamerican archaeologists.
During the processual era settlement studies also
began to develop in a more ecologically driven and
often narrowly materialist (referred to as “vulgar ma-
terialism” by many scholars of a Marxist bent) views
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xv
Ch ap te r O ne I N TRO DUC T ION
of past human societies. Sanders et al.’s (1979) study of
central Mexico, entitled The Basin of Mexico: Ecological
Processes in the Evolution of a Civilization, exemplifies
this symbiosis between ecological process, cultural ev-
olution and settlement study quite well. Sanders et al.
(1979) discuss the development of civilization in the
Basin of Mexico in direct reference to changing rela-

tionships between people and their natural environ-
ment, and the influence of demographic pressures on
social organization. The volume is concerned largely
with settlement patterns and systems, and their re-
lationship to the natural landscape, and the authors
tend to couch most of their discussion of this relation-
ship in the very processual terms, and employ ethno-
graphic and ethnohistoric analogies extensively to the
subsistence systems of the distant past. This study is
truly impressive because of the vast amount of labour
invested in it, and the grand theoretical conclusions
of the authors, but is quite limited in its theoretical
scope, and in many ways can be seen as exemplifying
the marriage between cultural ecology and processual-
ism that typified much of the work in the 1970s in the
Americas. Many of the aforementioned settlement and
settlement system studies in The Early Mesoamerican
Village (Flannery 1976a; also see Flannery 1976b,
1976c; Earle 1976; Rossmann 1976) also are overtly fo-
cused on cultural evolution and ecology, although per-
haps with less of an ecologically deterministic strain
than Sanders et al. (1979).
Household archaeology as a particular focus of re-
search can be seen in many ways to have originated
with the advent of processual archaeology in the 1960s
and 1970s, crossbred with the activity area studies
of the functionalist archaeologists and early cultural
ecology (Steadman 1996:52). Household archaeology
in this time period can be seen in many ways as an
outgrowth of settlement archaeology: it is interested in

the spatial components of a system and their interrelat-
ed nature, but focuses on a much smaller spatial area.
That is not to argue that there was not archaeological
research being conducted on houses prior to this time;
instead it was through the development of processu-
al archaeology that the archaeology of the spatial and
social organization of past households crystallized into
what we now call household archaeology. As was al-
luded to previously, the work of Flannery (1976a) and
his students truly revolutionized household archaeol-
ogy, and developed it into a separate field of inquiry.
Indeed, as Steadman (1996:56) notes, much of the
early work in household archaeology was conducted in
Mesoamerica (also see Rathje 1983; Wilk 1983; Wilk
and Rathje 1982). Recent developments in spatial ap-
proaches to household archaeology will be discussed
in more detail below.
In Great Britain a number of approaches to the spa-
tial analysis of archaeological materials also developed,
in many ways in a parallel fashion to developments in
the Americas. The volume entitled Man, Settlement
and Urbanism (Ucko et al. 1972) was based on a sympo-
sium held at the Institute of Archaeology, University
College London, and in many ways represents a water-
shed in the study of settlement patterns and the devel-
opment of urbanism in the U.K. While a number of the
participants in the symposium came from outside of
the U.K. (mostly from the U.S.A. and Canada), which
suggests a degree of international “cross-pollination”
of ideas, the majority of participants were British, sug-

gesting that by 1970 spatial approaches to archaeol-
ogy had become important in Britain as well as the
Americas. Later in the 1970s an overtly “scientific” ap-
proach to spatial analysis in archaeology was champi-
oned by David Clarke and his students (Hodder and
Orton 1976; Clarke 1977). Hodder and Orton (1976)
called for a more explicitly quantitative approach to
the study of spatial patterning, and applied statistical
methods to all levels of spatial analysis.
As this normative approach to spatial analysis
became dominant in Anglo-American archaeology
(and in certain branches of European archaeology as
well [Johnson 1999]), some scholars began to ques-
tion the relevance of such an approach to the spatial
analysis of past cultures. As Ashmore (2002:1175)
notes, the late 1970s saw increasing interest in overtly
social approaches to spatial questions in archaeology.
The development of postprocessual archaeology (or
archaeologies as many scholars have argued) resulted
in a number of scholars questioning the normative as-
sumptions made by the processualists, and beginning
to examine aspects of human behaviour in a less deter-
ministic and rigid light (Patterson 1986:20). Scholars
started to examine less “tangible” aspects of human
culture, such as ideology, and began to critically ana-
lyze power relations and social structures in past socie-
ties (e.g., Hodder 1984; Leone 1986; Miller and Tilley
1984; Shanks and Tilley 1987a, 1987b).
This new theoretical focus affected the ways in
which archaeologists analyzed spatial relations be-

tween archaeological materials (whether artifacts,
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xvi
features, or sites) by introducing aspects of analysis
that began to focus more on the social and cultural
implications of spatial relations in past societies. This
thread was present in both the functional and proces-
sual approaches to spatial archaeology (see for exam-
ple Clark 1954; Flannery 1976a), but the development
of postprocessual archaeology effectively gave the
social, cognitive and cultural aspects of spatial analy-
ses centre stage.
Some scholars, influenced by cultural geographers
and anthropologists such as Amos Rapoport (1968,
1982, 1990), Lawrence and Low (1990) and Hillier and
Hanson (1984; also Hillier 1996; Hanson 1998), sought
to analyze the built environment constructed by past
peoples, looking at the social, cultural and ideological
aspects of past buildings and cities (e.g., Blanton 1994;
Hodder 1984; Martin 2001; Trigger 1990). Some of the
more recent work by Flannery (1998) has begun to ad-
dress questions such as these, although many of his
earlier, more processual ideas still remain in this more
recent literature.
Analysis of the spatial arrangements of the built en-
vironment has been approached form the standpoint
of space syntax analysis, developed by Bill Hillier and
Julienne Hanson (Hillier and Hanson 1984; Hillier
1996; Hanson 1998). Space syntax analyses of the

built environment seek to analyze the ways in which
the built environment constructs and constrains space,
and how this construction of space can be described
using a standardized lexicon, and represented through
a series of standardized visual conventions. Through
these standardized forms of visual representation
and description, it becomes possible to analyze the
social relationships inherent in space as it is construct-
ed through the built environment. Markus (1993:13)
notes that this perspective is inherently social insofar
as it assumes that all space is shaped and defined by
social relationships, and that social relations define
and constrain the makeup of spatial relations in the
built environment. He also notes that The Social Logic
of Space (Hillier and Hanson 1984) has inherently
Durkheimian underpinnings by conceiving of the or-
ganization of space in terms of organic and mechanical
solidarity.
In archaeology, the work of scholars such as Ferguson
(1996), Grahame (1997), Stuardo (2003) and A. Smith
(2003), all of whom employ some form of space syntax
analysis in their work, represent the growing impor-
tance of this approach in the field. It is important to
note that many of these scholars reject the function-
alist undertones of Hillier and Hanson’s (1984) theo-
retical approach, and instead modify the theoretical
perspective of space syntax analysis while maintain-
ing the methodology (see Ferguson 1996:21–22 for a
discussion of this paradigm shift). Most of the stud-
ies employing space syntax analyses in archaeology

use Hillier and Hanson (1984) as their theoretical in-
spiration. As Dawson (personal communication 2004)
points out, however, this text is out of date, and space
syntax analysis has progressed significantly since 1984
in terms of the methods employed, as well as changing
significantly in the ensuing years theoretically.
Another related field that developed out of these
new interests in the less physically tangible aspects
of human culture is the study of archaeological land-
scapes, influenced strongly by human geography (see
Gamble 1987; also see Muir 1999 for a discussion of
the development of landscape studies among human
geographers) and sociocultural anthropology (see
Basso 1996). Interest in archaeological landscapes can
be seen, in many ways, as an outgrowth of studies of
settlement patterns and systems because of the rela-
tionship between the natural environment and settle-
ment that is seen in a number of these studies. As was
discussed previously, the study of settlement patterns
and settlement systems grew out of the functional
approach to archaeology, and in particular cultural
ecological approaches to anthropology and archaeol-
ogy. Settlement studies blossomed through the New
Archaeology, and became a standard component of
all large-scale archaeological projects (see Flannery
1976a; Trigger 1989). Interest in the ideological and
symbolic components of societies and cultures, and
the increasing importance that was placed on the con-
stitution of social relations in past societies, which can
largely be seen as an outgrowth of the postprocessual

approach to archaeology, resulted in the more human-
istic approach of landscape archaeology.
Landscape archaeology, by its very nature, is often
concerned with the perception and experience of land-
scape, and the relationship between the empirically
observable material components of the landscape and
how people and cultures navigate these landscapes,
both conceptually and through lived experience. As
Knapp and Ashmore (1999:6) note, landscape archae-
ology recognizes a dialectical relationship between so-
ciety and culture on one hand and the natural environ-
ment on the other: namely, people’s perceptions shape
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Ch ap te r O ne I N TRO DUC T ION
how they see the environment, and the environment,
in turn, shapes the prevailing cultural perceptions of
landscape in a given society. A related concept is the
relationship between space, as an empirically neutral
series of relationships between objects and the envi-
ronment, and place, which is the meaningfully con-
stituted and culturally constructed space that people
dwell in. Landscapes as culturally constructed and ex-
perienced “spaces” are effectively “places” because of
the culturally and socially determined understandings
that people have of them (Tilley 1994). Space exists
merely as an abstraction according to this perspective,
because people’s personal, cultural and social experi-
ences in space reconstitute spaces as places through
experience.

These themes have been taken up by a number of
archaeologists and has developed into a vibrant field of
inquiry (see Daniels and Cosgrove 1988; Tilley 1994;
Ashmore and Knapp 1999; and A. Smith 2003 for ex-
amples of landscape archaeology). A healthy debate
exists in the discipline regarding the nature of land-
scape archaeology, both regarding the content of land-
scape studies and the theoretical approaches advo-
cated by landscape archaeologists. Tilley (1994) offers
an important discussion of the varying theoretical ap-
proaches to landscape archaeology, and highlights his
own interest in phenomenological approaches to this
line of inquiry.
An important aspect of landscape archaeology is
the study of settled landscapes, an area of inquiry also
heavily influenced by human geography. The study of
archaeological urban landscapes has been taken up by
a number of scholars interested in the sociopolitics of
urbanism, as well as the evolution of the built environ-
ment. In his recent magnum opus entitled Understanding
Early Civilizations: A Comparative Study, Bruce Trigger
(2003) discusses both the urban landscapes of cities in
early civilizations, as well as various aspects of monu-
mental architecture in these cities. Trigger’s analysis
focuses on the urban landscapes of the so-called pri-
mary civilizations of the world, and draws on both ar-
chaeological and historical material (where available).
This book is especially significant because urban land-
scapes and city planning are portrayed in this book as
both being constituted by, and constituting, the nature

of power in early civilizations. Similar concepts are
explored by Adam Smith (2003) who postulates that
the very nature of power in what he refers to as “early
complex societies” are linked to the construction and
maintenance of urban landscapes. Smith (2003:202–
231) explicitly discusses the importance of urban land-
scapes in the constitution of society, and using the ex-
ample of ancient Mesopotamian cites discusses how
power was idealized and realized through the urban
landscapes of ancient Mesopotamian cities. The work
of Wendy Ashmore (1991, 1992; also see Brady and
Ashmore 1999; Ashmore and Sabloff 2002) has also
explored the connections between urban built forms
and social organization. Ashmore’s work suggests that
urban landscapes in the Maya area reflect broader
political affiliations, and that site plans among lower
order centres often emulate the site plans of major
players in Classic period power politics, such as Tikal
and Calakmul. Recent work by Timothy Pugh (2003)
has examined the social landscape of the highly nu-
cleated and densely settled centre of Mayapan, a Late
Postclassic Maya city from the Yucatan Peninsula,
by examining statistical correlates of proposed social
groupings in the city. He ultimately concludes that
some of the social divisions at the site that have been
proposed to have existed through previous archaeolo-
gists’ qualitative analyses can be demonstrated statis-
tically, offering a more nuanced approach to the study
of this urban landscape by articulating social inference
to statistical methods (Pugh 2003:951).

In a related vein, Canuto and Yaeger (2000) have
recently published a volume of papers discussing com-
munity organization in a number of different cultural
and archaeological settings in the New World. Most of
these papers deal with settlements smaller than cities,
but larger than individual homesteads, hence the des-
ignation “community.” Most of these papers are ex-
plicitly spatial in their orientation, and look at the ar-
rangement of non-urban settlements on the landscape,
as well as their internal organization. Other scholars
(e.g., Snead and Preucel 1999) have also approached
non-urban settlements from a landscape perspective,
making the landscape analysis of non-urban settle-
ments a vibrant field of inquiry.
This by no means represents an exhaustive survey
of approaches to landscape approaches to settlement
in archaeology. As recent edited volumes concerning
the nature of urbanism in early civilizations have illus-
trated, scholars working on a number of topics in vari-
ous culture regions are interested in the spatial com-
position of urban landscapes in the archaeological past
(see various papers in Aufrecht et al. 1997; Manzanilla
1997; M. Smith 2003). This relationship between the
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xviii
study of “natural,” urban and non-urban settled areas
from a landscape perspective is interesting because
it illustrates the power of this approach to archaeol-
ogy: landscape as a concept can be used to describe

the phenomenological and ideological relationship be-
tween people, cultures and their respective environ-
ments (both natural and built).
Archaeological approaches to the study of house-
holds have also been influenced by the critiques of
postprocessual archaeologists and the increasingly
eclectic and interdisciplinary nature of archaeology.
Household archaeology has become increasingly influ-
enced by studies conducted in archaeology’s sister dis-
ciplines of social anthropology and sociology (see Wilk
and Ashmore 1988). In particular the ethnographic
work carried out by Netting et al. (1984) is an impor-
tant source of ethnographic analogy and theoretical in-
spiration for much of the work conducted by household
archaeologists since the 1980s. The question of the re-
lationship between spatial organization and domestic
architecture from an interdisciplinary perspective is
also explored in volume edited by Susan Kent (1990)
entitled Domestic Architecture and the Use of Space. This
volume draws together work conducted by sociocul-
tural anthropologists, archaeologists and geographers
to examine questions regarding the spatial analysis
of residential architecture from a number of cultural
contexts. Blanton’s (1994) cross-cultural study entitled
Houses and Households examines the nature of domestic
architecture and its influence on household organiza-
tion from a number of contexts, both ethnographic and
archaeological. In Classical archaeology, recent schol-
arship has addressed similar questions regarding the
relationship between domestic architecture, house-

hold units and space (Laurence and Wallace-Hadrill
1997). This volume is, by the very nature of Classical
archaeology, interdisciplinary in scope, but what is
surprising about this volume is the amount of influ-
ence from other disciplines, particularly anthropology
and human geography. All of these volumes represent
an attempt to examine the domestic architecture and
household organization from an interdisciplinary and
cross-cultural perspective.
The Encyclopedia of Vernacular Architecture of the
World (Oliver 1997) also represents an important re-
source for the archaeologist interested in cross-cultural
studies of domestic architecture and its relationship to
household archaeology. Fedick’s (1997) discussion of
archaeological approaches to households and domestic
architecture in the Encyclopedia highlights the impor-
tance of cross-cultural research driven by ethnograph-
ic observations in the study of archaeological house-
holds, and in turn underscores the importance of the
chronological depths that archaeological studies can
add to the investigation of the vernacular architecture
of the world. Fedick’s (1997:9) discussion also notes the
importance of explicitly spatial studies of architecture
and households in archaeology, and the interdiscipli-
nary nature of these spatial approaches. These studies
take this perspective in order to look for similarities
between cultures, but also in order to highlight differ-
ences between them. These studies also represent the
cross-pollination of ideas between archaeology and re-
lated disciplines in recent years and the diversity of

approaches that could be focused on a single topic.
As with the other sections of this paper it is beyond
the scope of this paper to discuss recent developments
in household archaeology in greater detail. Suffice it to
say that many other contributions have been made to
the study of space in domestic archaeology in recent
years by other scholars (e.g., Parker Pearson and
Richards 1994). For a more in depth discussion of the
development of household archaeology and current ap-
proaches, see Steadman (1996).
An interesting historical footnote with regards to
both the aforementioned studies of household and
community concerns the 1988 Chacmool Conference,
which was focused on precisely this topic. Many of the
papers contained in the proceedings of the conference
(MacEachern et al. 1989) dealt specifically with the
spatial patterning of archaeological remains, and how
these remains could be used to reconstruct household
organization. The 1988 Chacmool Conference can be
seen in many ways as a precursor to many of the studies
detailed above that deal with the social and ideologi-
cal components of household and community organi-
zation that became characteristic of the late 1980s and
continue today. The 1988 Chacmool Conference and
its proceedings (MacEachern et al. 1989) effectively
represent a watershed effort in the study of the rela-
tionship between the spatial and the socio-ideological
at the level of the household and community.
The new concern with humanistic approaches to ar-
chaeology also influenced ethnoarchaeological studies

of spatial organization. As was mentioned previously,
the work of many ethnoarchaeologists was influenced
by, and in turn strongly influenced developments in
postprocessual archaeology (see David and Kramer
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Ch ap te r O ne I N TRO DUC T ION
2001:59–61). Archaeologists employing ethnoarchaeo-
logical evidence, such as Hodder (1982) and Shanks
and Tilley (1987a), began to note that ethnoarchaeo-
logical studies of material culture underscore the
degree to which material culture is meaningfully con-
stituted by sociocultural factors, and in turn influences
culture (see David and Kramer 2001 for a discussion of
this concept). This is a far cry from the ethnoarchaeol-
ogy of the processual period that sought to explain the
past by employing analogies from the anthropological
present. Space and spatial organization was, of course,
vital to this understanding of the relationship between
material culture and meaning. David and Kramer’s
(2001:278–283) discussion of ethnoarchaeological ap-
proaches to gendered spaces is a good example of these
new ways in which ethnoarchaeology is incorporating
postprocessual approaches to spatial organization.
The application of geographical information sys-
tems (GIS) to archaeological data is another relatively
recent development. GIS is defined by Wheatley and
Gillings (2002) as being a “spatial database” which
allows for the manipulation and analysis of data, as
well as visualization and reporting of the results of the

manipulation and analysis of the data. It is this combi-
nation of elements that differentiates GIS from both
other forms of data bases as well as other cartograph-
ic programs utilized by scholars. The first GIS in the
world was developed by the Canadian Department
of Forestry and Rural Development 1964 in order to
deal with an inventory of available natural resources
in the country and develop a strategic and sustainable
plan for their development and exploitation (Wheatley
and Gillings 2002:14–15). Kvamme (1995) notes that
the first application of a GIS to archaeological material
was conducted between 1979 and 1982 as a part of the
Granite Reef archaeological project in the American
Southwest. While the term GIS was not used in the
report itself, Kvamme (1995:2) suggests that the ap-
proach employed in this study was not substantively
different from what we now refer to as GIS. Early ap-
proaches employing GIS in archaeology were explic-
itly concerned with developing predictive models for
distribution (Kvamme 1995:2–3). Predictive modeling,
of course, represents a strongly processual theoretical
inclination, as it explains to chart and model regular-
ity, and explain away variation in data.
These approaches were not extremely influential
on either side of the Atlantic, however, because of
the lack of communication regarding the technology,
and the expense and inaccessibility of the technology
itself (Kvamme 1995:5). The seminal volume entitled
Interpreting Space: GIS and Archaeology (Allen et al.
1990) marked the first published volume of collected

papers from a number of different culture areas and
research projects, dealing explicitly with GIS applica-
tions to archaeology, and also represented the first ex-
posure of the approach to a wider audience. Because of
this volume’s emphasis on the Americas (see Kvamme
1995), a volume was assembled dealing with GIS and
archaeology from an Old World perspective entitled
Archaeology and Geographical Information Systems (Lock
and Stančič 1995). In the following year, Aldenderfer
and Maschner (1996) published a volume dealing with
anthropological approaches to GIS, with a particular
emphasis being placed on GIS’s methodological im-
portance for archaeology. These three volumes rep-
resented a breakthrough for GIS studies in archaeol-
ogy, as they exposed GIS to a wider audience. GIS is
considered increasingly important by archaeologists,
and has very much become part of the mainstream
of the discipline, fulfilling an important niche in the
archaeologist’s methodological tool kit (see Wheatley
and Gillings 2002:20).
While GIS does represent an important method-
ological tool for archaeologists seeking to examine ma-
terials in a spatial context, it is important to note that
GIS does not represent a theoretical approach in and
of itself. As Claxton (1995) notes, there are important
theoretical implications for archaeological theory that
stem from the increasing use of GIS in the discipline.
This accords with the observations of Hodder (1999)
concerning the hermeneutic relationship between
theory, data and praxis in archaeology. This does not

make GIS a theoretical perspective in and of itself,
however, because GIS does not seek to explain social
or cultural phenomena in the same way that function-
alist or processualist (to name only two theoretical
schools) approaches do.
Many of these newer approaches to archaeology
represent a departure from the logico-positivist ap-
proaches of the processualists to spatial archaeology
and introduce a much more interpretative aspect to
the whole endeavour. As Adam Smith (2003) cogently
notes, however, archaeologists’ notions of space are in
many cases still tied to ideas of social evolution which
give temporal and chronological concerns in archae-
ology centre stage in archaeology at the expense of
space. The purpose of this volume is not to divorce
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s PaCe an d s PaT Ia l ana lysI s I n arCh ae olo gy
xx
time from space (which is not Smith’s intent, but a pos-
sible reading of his text) but instead to highlight the
various ways that archaeologists approach the study of
space. This volume represents a combination of vari-
ous approaches to spatial analysis in archaeology, and
it is the opinion of the editors that this diversity is the
strength of the volume.
It is worth noting that this volume deals largely with
applications of spatial approaches to space and theo-
retical perspectives on the topic, and is not a volume
devoted to either discussions of statistical approaches
of space or the prospect of developing new ways of

modeling archaeological space quantitatively. This is
in large part due to the fact that this volume represents
the collected work of a number of the participants in
the 2001 Chacmool Conference. Papers dealing with
the quantification of spatial data and the development
of new statistical techniques for dealing with this data
were simply not among papers submitted for publica-
tion in this volume. While this may be seen by some
as a flaw in the structure of this volume, the editors
instead see it as one of the volume’s strengths, as many
of the earlier volumes to be released that deal with the
spatial analysis of archaeological materials are explic-
itly quantitative and statistical in their focus, and con-
versely many volumes dealing with the quantification
and statistical analysis of archaeological data are ex-
plicitly spatial in their approach (Hodder and Orton
1976; Clarke 1977; Buck et al. 1996). The editors of
this volume believe that this volume represents a bal-
anced view of spatial approaches to archaeology at the
beginning of the new millennium, which is more con-
cerned with meaningfully constituted social and cul-
tural organization in a spatial context than with the
abstract and methodologically driven approach of the
processual archaeologists to space.
In this book, a variety of topics are covered in a
series of thematic sections. These sections differ from
the general overarching themes identified throughout
this introduction in terms of the categories employed
for a number of reasons. The first, and most immedi-
ate, relates to the nature of the submissions. Many of

the papers employ multiple forms of spatial analysis to
address very specific questions, and as such could not
be easily put into a single one of the aforementioned
categories. In addition to this consideration many of
the sections were chosen with the express purpose of
preserving the integrity of the sessions that the papers
were presented in. The “In Transit” section of this
book is the clearest example of this approach, whereby
the entire session was kept intact and presented as a
single section of the volume.
The first section of this volume consists of theoreti-
cal discussions about the concept of space and spatial
approaches to archaeology. Sections two through five
of the book have been organized to deal with progres-
sively larger scales of spatial analysis, whereas sections
six and seven deal with specialized approaches and
topics that fall under the rubric of spatial analysis in
archaeology. Section eight, which consists of a modi-
fied version of the banquet address from the confer-
ence effectively serves as a summation of previous ap-
proaches to spatial archaeology and a prospectus for
the future. We believe that organizing sections two
through five based on scale of analysis as opposed to
based on methods of analysis allows us to highlight the
variability of methodological approaches that can be
used to approach similar data sets.
As was alluded to above, section one of this volume
is concerned with theoretical approaches to space, and
is comprised of papers that focus primarily on theo-
ries concerning spatial analysis in archaeology (e.g.,

Holmberg et al., Owoc). This section of the book ef-
fectively serves to frame the remainder of the volume,
by offering a theoretical overview from which to view
the remaining sections. Many of the papers in other
sections of this volume make important theoreti-
cal contributions to the study of space (e.g., Lominy,
Fisher) in archaeology, but fit more snugly into other
sections of the book because of what was being stud-
ied, instead of the theoretical approach that was em-
ployed.
The second section of the volume is comprised of
analyses of intrasite artifact and architectural distribu-
tions, many of which draw heavily from the theoretical
approaches of the processual era, but in many cases
seek meaning in addition to pattern (e.g., Greenfield
and Jongsma, Greenfield and van Schalkwyk). The
third section of the book consists of discussions of ar-
chitectural analyses of single structures and architec-
tural complexes (e.g., Fisher, Glanzman, Loten), and
serves in many ways as the bridge between the spatial
analysis of small groups of people and larger social ag-
gregations.
The fourth section is made up of discussions of
urban spaces and urban configurations (e.g., Child,
Dawson, Iannone). This section of the book deals
with spatial and social inference on a larger scale than
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Ch ap te r O ne I N TRO DUC T ION
the previous ones, and in many cases represents spatial

patterning and analysis at the societal scale. The fifth
section of the volume consists of a variety of papers
concerning both landscape archaeology and the natu-
ral environment (e.g., Haynes, Schreyer), two topics
which are considered either to be directly related or
dichotomous, depending on the theoretical perspec-
tive that one adopts in their analysis.
The sixth section of papers is contributed from the
“In Transit” session from the conference, organized
by Heather Miller, which is presented here as a com-
plete package, in order to preserve the intellectual in-
tegrity of the session. This session’s theme was one
of movement across space, which is an avenue of ar-
chaeological inquiry that has often been overlooked
in the past. The last section of contributed papers is
comprised of papers that use textual and iconographic
representations of architecture and landscape to ex-
amine the importance of emic presentations of land-
scape (e.g., Allison, McCafferty and McCafferty).
Finally, as was mentioned previously, we have placed
Carole Crumley’s banquet address from the confer-
ence in a section entitled “Framework for the Future.”
Crumley’s paper assesses the current state of archaeol-
ogy from an interdisciplinary perspective, and under-
scores the role that archaeology can have in effecting
positive change in society.
This overview of the volume is by no means com-
prehensive, and is instead merely being presented to
illustrate the diversity of its contents, and place them
in a theoretical context. It is hoped that the theoreti-

cal, methodological and topical variety seen in this
volume will highlight the wide array of approaches em-
ployed by conference presenters. As archaeologists we
are currently at a theoretical crossroads, as postproces-
sual approaches to the discipline become part of the
theoretical mainstream, and a new synthesis of pro-
cessual and postprocessual theories emerges (Johnson
1999:176–187). As Levinson (2003) has suggested, no-
tions of space and spatial reckoning are inextricably
culture- (and language-) bound, and a better under-
standing of space and the experience of living in space
should be one of the primary goals of the behavioural
and social sciences, as well as the humanities. We be-
lieve that this volume is firmly ensconced in this new
theoretical milieu, as it contains a variety of opinions
and approaches to spatial analysis in archaeology, and
underscores the cultural construction of the very con-
cept of space itself.
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