From third world to first the singapore story 1965 2000

Tai Lieu Chat Luong



Author’sNotetotheeBookEdition
IwrotemyMemoirsforayoungergenerationofSingaporeanstoknowthestory
oftheSingaporeIgrewupin.(TheSingaporeStorywaspublishedin1999and
FromThirdWorldtoFirstin2000.)Itwastogivethemanunderstandingofthe
difficultiesSingaporefacedtheninitsstruggletosurviveinthemidstoflarger,
newlyindependentnationspursuingnationalisticpolicies.
ItisadifferentworldandadifferentSingaporetoday,aworldvastlychangedby
globalizationandtechnologybutthethreatsremainandthechallengetonational
survivalisgrave.
It is my hope that the experiences of my generation find relevance with a
generation that grew up with digital literacy and technology. I look forward to
thisdigitalversionreachingouttothatgenerationofonlinereaders.

LeeKuanYew
August2014


Abouttheauthorandhismemoirs
“Thetitleofthisbook,FromThirdWorldtoFirst,expressesanaspirationofall
developingcountriesbutsofar,alas,anachievementofveryfew.Singaporeis
oneofthosefew.Thisaccountofitsfirstyearsofindependencewrittenbyits
foundingfather,LeeKuanYew,willthereforebeofgreatinteresttopeopleof
otherdevelopingcountriesandtoallthosewhoareinterestedintheirfate.Itis
alsotoldwithgreatclarity,inarefreshinglydirectstyle.”
—KofiA.Annan,UNSecretary-General
“More than forty years ago, Lee Kuan Yew transformed what was a poor,
decrepit colony into a shining, rich and modern metropolis – all the time

surroundedbyhostilepowers.Withhisbrilliant,incisiveintellect,heisoneof
theworld’smostoutspokenandrespectedstatesmen.Thisbookisa‘mustread’
foranystudentofmodernAsia.”
—RupertMurdoch,ChairmanandChiefExecutive,NewsCorporation
“Lee Kuan Yew is one of the brightest, ablest men I have ever met. The
Singapore Story is a must read for people interested in a true Asian success
story. From this book we also learn a lot about the thinking of one of this
century’strulyvisionarystatesmen.”
—GeorgeBush,USPresident,1989–93
“In office, I read and analysed every speech of Harry’s. He had a way of
penetratingthefogofpropagandaandexpressingwithuniqueclaritytheissues
ofourtimesandthewaytotacklethem.Hewasneverwrong…”
—MargaretThatcher,BritishPrimeMinister,1979–90
“For a country to rise from the threshold of subsistence to one of the highest
livingstandardsintheworldin30yearsisnocommonachievement.…MrLee
has gathered around himself the most brilliant minds, transforming the most
exactingstandardsintoasystemofgovernment.”
—JacquesChirac,FrenchPresidentsince1995
“Candid, informed, forceful, brilliant: these attributes explain why leaders
throughouttheworldhavesoughtoutLeeKuanYew–andthewordsapplyto


his great memoir. You can learn how to think about power and politics in the
world,howtoanalyseintricateproblems,howtoleadapeople.”
—GeorgeP.Shultz,USSecretaryofState,1982–89
“Lee Kuan Yew, one of the Pacific Basin’s great statesmen, has written a
challengingandfascinatingmemoir.”
—GeraldR.Ford,USPresident,1974–77
“Lee Kuan Yew has become a valued friend and counsellor. His resoluteness,
energyandvisionhaveleftadeepimpressiononSingapore,makingitapolitical

andeconomicpowerhousewhoseinfluenceextendsfarbeyonditsownregion.
… Lee Kuan Yew is not only a remarkable political figure but a challenging
thinker. He has much of moment to say to us as we steer our course into the
future.”
—HelmutKohl,GermanChancellorsince1992
“Lee Kuan Yew is fascinating due to his grasp of the world’s political and
economicfabric.ManyAmericanandEuropeanleadershaveprofitedfromhis
wisdom, particularly by his evaluation of China as a world power and by his
analysisandexplanationofAsianvalues.”
—HelmutSchmidt,GermanChancellor,1974–82
“Thisisapersonalhistoryofamanwho,almostsingle-handedly,builtagreat
nation from a small island. Mr Lee has also been a great friend and often an
astuteobserverofJapan.Japanesereaderswilllearninthisbooknotonlyabout
their present image but also about their future portrait as seen through the
penetratingeyesofthisgreatpoliticalleader.”
—KiichiMiyazawa,JapanesePrimeMinister,1991–93
andFinanceMinistersinceJuly1998
“WheneverImetMrLeeKuanYew,Iwasdeeplyimpressedbyhisintellect,his
vision and the depth of his understanding on history and society. No matter
where you stand on the political spectrum, you will see in this book how a
politicalleaderofinsighthasledatinycountrytoaprosperousmodernsociety
amidthetidalwavesofworldpolitics.”
—KimDaeJung,PresidentoftheRepublicofKorea
“Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew is one of the pivotal figures in the modern


history of Southeast Asia. His actions have shaped the course of events in this
region.”
—PremTinsulanonda,ThaiPrimeMinister,1980–88
“Howtoturnacrisisintopositivebenefitdistinguishesanablestatesmanfrom

theordinary.TheSingaporeStoryreflectsthisgreatleader’slifeandvision.”
—SiddhiSavetsila,ThaiForeignMinister,1980–90
“Hehasdonemuchtohelppromoteclosereconomictiesbetweenthecountries
of Southeast Asia as a whole. His latest memoir provides a thought-provoking
insightandanewinterpretationoftheregion’shistoryandpolitics.”
—ChuanLeekpai,PrimeMinisterofThailand
“Thetreatmentofeventsisrefreshing.Noonecanaccuseyouofunfairnessto
youradversaries.”
—DrGohKengSwee,SingaporeDeputyPrimeMinister,1973–84
“Lee’s vision, astute political judgement and strategy turned Singapore from a
trading post into the successful thriving nation that it is today, respected by
others.”
—TunDaimZainuddin,MalaysianFinanceMinister,1984–91Special
FunctionsMinistersinceJune1998andFinanceMinistersinceJanuary1999
“ThesememoirsprovideauniqueinsightintothehistoryofmodernSingapore
andthethinkingofoneofthegreatAsianleadersofthe20thcentury.”
—TonyBlair,BritishPrimeMinistersince1997
“Hisjudgmentsofthoseinhighplaceswithwhomhehadtodealduringhislong
period in office, in particular with British Prime Ministers and American
Presidents,arefascinating.”
—EdwardHeath,BritishPrimeMinister,1970–74
“HealwayscommandsanattentiveaudienceamongstWesternleaders.”
—JamesCallaghan,BritishPrimeMinister,1976–79
“Harry Lee has been and remains one of the most distinguished leaders of the
lasthalfcentury.Hewasfortunateinbeingsupportedbyagroupofministersof
extraordinary ability who would have graced the cabinet room of any major


country.”
—MalcolmFraser,AustralianPrimeMinister,1975–83

“Combining what is best in the Chinese and British traditions, his penetrating
intellectgivespoliticalpragmatismauniqueedgewhichhasmadethecitystate
ofSingaporeamodelfarbeyondAsia.”
—DenisHealey,BritishChancelloroftheExchequer,1974–79
“Thisbookisamustforanyonewhowantstounderstandthemind-setofAsia.”
—BobHawke,AustralianPrimeMinister,1983–91
“Thisisaworkeverybitasinsightful,astringent,opinionatedandintelligentas
wewouldhavehopedforfromitsdistinguishedauthor.”
—PaulKeating,AustralianPrimeMinister,1991–96
“This is the story of a man and his country. He returned to it when it was the
rumpofempire.Heanditarenowcriticalgeopoliticalpivots.Thesewritingsare
aseconomic,modestandunderstatedasheis.”
—DavidLange,NewZealandPrimeMinister,1984–89
“Herightlymakesthepointthatthereisnobookon‘howtobuildanationstate’
buthisownstorysetsouthowhefashionedanewnationonthetinyislandof
Singapore. The writing is rich with insights about the author himself and the
other world leaders who have sought his counsel on the great questions of the
day.”
—JamesBolger,NewZealandPrimeMinister,1990–97
“…hismemoirs,repletewithexamplesofhissagacityandwisdom,areacritical
componentoftheunfoldinghistoryofthisuniqueandimportantnation.”
—JamesA.Baker,III,USSecretaryofState,1989–92
“He and Dr Kissinger are probably the only two world statesmen who, after
leaving office, find an open door to every head of state and government
anywhereintheworld.”
—PeterCarrington,BritishSecretaryofStateforForeignandCommonwealth
Affairs,1979–82
“LeeKuanYewisastatesmanwhocreatedasuccessfulnation.Hehasknown

everybody.Hehasachievedimpossiblethingsandhismemoirstellthetruth.”
—WilliamRees-Mogg,EditorofTheTimesofLondon,1967–81
“Hismemoirsarethereflectionsontheinternationalsceneofoneoftheclearest
politicalmindsofourtime.”
—PercyCradock,ForeignPolicyAdvisertotheBritishPrimeMinister,1984–
92
“… his story of a turbulent half-century in Asia … are chronicled in the
trenchant style which is his hallmark, and many of his judgments will be
controversial,evenexplosive.”
—CharlesPowell,PrivateSecretarytotheBritishPrimeMinister,1984–91
“HewonanotablevictoryoverthecommunistsinSingaporeandhascreatedthe
mostremarkablecitystatesinceAthens.”
—PhilipMoore,DeputyBritishHighCommissionertoSingapore,1963–65
“Lee Kuan Yew deserves recognition for – among other things – spurring
Singapore’s rapid adoption of information technology. Under his leadership,
Singapore moved its government payroll from cash to direct deposit, equipped
schoolswithonecomputerforeverytwostudents,andconnectedeveryhometo
abroadbandnetwork.”
—ScottMcNealy,CEO,SunMicrosystems,Inc.
“Therearetwoequalisersinlife:theInternetandeducation.SeniorMinisterLee
KuanYewisaworldleaderwhounderstandsthisandisusingthepowerofthe
InternettopositionSingaporeforsurvivalandsuccessintheInterneteconomy.”
—JohnChambers,PresidentandCEO,CiscoSystems


Othertitlespublished:
A Selection of Lee Kuan Yew’s Speeches Over 40 Years (Chinese edition).
FederalPublicationsandLianheZaobao,1993.
HanFookKwang,WarrenFernandez&SumikoTan.LeeKuanYew:TheMan
andHisIdeas.SingaporePressHoldingsandTimesEditions,1997.

Lee Kuan Yew: A Pictorial Biography (Chinese-English edition). Federal
PublicationsandLianheZaobao,1994.
TheSingaporeStory:MemoirsofLeeKuanYew.SingaporePressHoldingsand
MarshallCavendishEditions.Firstpublishedin1998.
The Singapore Story: Memoirs of Lee Kuan Yew (abridged student’s edition).
FederalPublications,2000.


FROM

THIRDWORLD
TOFIRST
THESINGAPORESTORY:1965–2000

Memoirsof
LEEKUANYEW


FROM

THIRDWORLD
TOFIRST
THESINGAPORESTORY:1965–2000

Memoirsof
LEEKUANYEW

ToGohKengSwee,S.Rajaratnam,HonSuiSen,
LimKimSan,EddieBarker,TohChinChye,
OngPangBoonandOthmanWok,
myold-guardcolleagueswhotogethermadepossible
TheSingaporeStory.



Contents
Foreword
Preface
Acknowledgements
PartI.GettingtheBasicsRight
1.GoingItAlone
2.BuildinganArmyfromScratch
3.BritainPullsOut
4.SurvivingWithoutaHinterland
5.CreatingaFinancialCentre
6.WinningOvertheUnions
7.AFair,NotWelfare,Society
8.TheCommunistsSelf-destruct
9.StraddlingtheMiddleGround
10.NurturingandAttractingTalent
11.ManyTongues,OneLanguage
12.KeepingtheGovernmentClean
13.GreeningSingapore
14.ManagingtheMedia
15.ConductorofanOrchestra
PartII.InSearchofSpace–RegionalandInternational
16.UpsandDownswithMalaysia

17.Indonesia:FromFoetoFriend
18.BuildingTieswithThailand,thePhilippinesandBrunei


19. Vietnam, Myanmar and Cambodia: Coming to Terms with the Modern
World
20.Asean–UnpromisingStart,PromisingFuture
21.EastAsiainCrisis1997–99
22.InsidetheCommonwealthClub
23.NewBondswithBritain
24.TieswithAustraliaandNewZealand
25.SouthAsia’sLegendsandLeaders
26.FollowingBritainintoEurope
27.TheSovietUnion–AnEmpireImplodes
28.America:TheAnti-CommunistAnchorman
29.StrategicAccordwiththeUnitedStates
30.America’sNewAgenda
31.Japan:Asia’sFirstMiracle
32.LessonsfromJapan
33.Korea:AttheCrossroads
34.HongKong’sTransition
35.Taiwan:TheOtherChina
36.China:TheDragonwithaLongTail
37.DengXiaoping’sChina
38.ChinaBeyondBeijing
39.Tiananmen
40.China:ToBeRichIsGlorious
PartIII.WindingUp
41.PassingtheBaton
42.MyFamily

43.Epilogue
Index



Foreword
Inthesecondhalfofthe20thcentury,theemergenceofscoresofnewstateshas
made international politics and economics truly global for the first time in
history. At the same time, technology has made it possible for nearly every
countrytoparticipateineventsineverypartoftheworldastheyoccur.
Unfortunately,theexplosionininformationhasnotbeenaccompaniedbya
similar increase in knowledge. The continents interact, but they do not
necessarilyunderstandeachother.Theuniformityoftechnologyisaccompanied
by an implicit assumption that politics, and even cultures, will become
homogenised. Especially the long-established nations of the West have fallen
prey to the temptation of ignoring history and judging every new state by the
criteria of their own civilisations. It is often overlooked that the institutions of
theWestdidnotspringfull-blownfromthebrowofcontemporariesbutevolved
over centuries which shaped frontiers and defined legitimacy, constitutional
provisionsandbasicvalues.
But history does matter. The institutions of the West developed gradually
while those of most new states were put into place in elaborated form
immediately. In the West, a civil society evolved side-by-side with the
maturationofthemodernstate.Thismadepossiblethegrowthofrepresentative
institutions which confined the state’s power to those matters which society
couldnotdealwithbyitsownarrangements.Politicalconflictsweremoderated
byoverridingpurposes.
Many post-colonial states have no comparable history. Tasks which in the

West were accomplished over centuries must be completed in a decade or two
and under much more complex circumstances. Where the common national
experience is colonial rule, especially when the state comprises diverse ethnic
groups,politicaloppositionisoftenconsideredanassaultonthepoliticalvalidity
ofthestateratherthanofaparticulargovernment.
Singaporeisacaseinpoint.AsthemainBritishnavalbaseintheFarEast,it
hadneitherprospectnoraspirationfornationhooduntilthecollapseofEuropean
power in the aftermath of the Second World War redrew the political map of
SoutheastAsia.Inthefirstwaveofdecolonisation,Singaporewasmadepartof
Malaya until its largely Chinese population proved too daunting for a state
attemptingtodefineitsnationalidentitybyaMalaymajority.Malayaextruded
Singapore because it was not yet ready to cope with so large a Chinese


populationor,lesscharitably,toteachSingaporethehabitsofdependenceifit
wasforcedbackintowhatlaterbecametheMalaysianFederation.
But history shows that normally prudent, ordinary calculations can be
overturned by extraordinary personalities. In the case of Lee Kuan Yew, the
father of Singapore’s emergence as a national state, the ancient argument
whether circumstance or personality shapes events is settled in favour of the
latter.Circumstancescouldnothavebeenlessfavourable.Locatedonasandbar
withnaryanaturalresource,Singaporehadinthe1950sapolyglotpopulationof
slightly over a million (today over 3 million), of which 75.4 per cent was
Chinese, 13.6 per cent Malay and 8.6 per cent Indian. It adjoined in the south
withIndonesia,withapopulationofover100million(nownearlydoublethat),
andinthenorthwithMalaya(laterMalaysia),withapopulationof6.28million.
By far the smallest country in Southeast Asia, Singapore seemed destined to
becomeaclientstateofmorepowerfulneighbours,ifindeeditcouldpreserveits
independenceatall.
Lee Kuan Yew thought otherwise. Every great achievement is a dream

before it becomes reality, and his vision was of a state that would not simply
survivebutprevailbyexcelling.Superiorintelligence,disciplineandingenuity
would substitute for resources. Lee Kuan Yew summoned his compatriots to a
duty they had never previously perceived: first to clean up their city, then to
dedicate it to overcome the initial hostility of their neighbours and their own
ethnic divisions by superior performance. The Singapore of today is his
testament.Annualpercapitaincomehasgrownfromlessthan$1,000atthetime
ofindependencetonearly$30,000today.Itisthehigh-techleaderofSoutheast
Asia,thecommercialentrepot,thescientificcentre.Singaporeplaysamajorrole
inthepoliticsandeconomicsofSoutheastAsiaandbeyond.
ThisvolumeisLeeKuanYew’saccountofhisextraordinaryachievement.
Henavigatedthispassagebyunderstandingnotonlytherequirementsofhisown
societybuttheneedsandmotivesofhisneighbours.Athoughtfuldiscussionof
Indonesia and the fall of its President Suharto is matched by Lee Kuan Yew’s
account of his encounters with China and its leaders. His narrative of
Singapore’s abortive venture into creating a satellite city in Suzhou is
particularly instructive on the challenge of melding the market economics of
even so friendly an interlocutor as Singapore with the political and social
realitiesofaChinamidwaybetweenMaoandreform.
LeeKuanYewwouldnotbetruetohimselfwerehelessthanfrankabouthis
analysisofthedifferencebetweentheindividualismoftheWestandthepriority


forsocialcohesionincountriessuchashisandinmuchoftherestofAsia.He
does not ask us to change our patterns, only to refrain from imposing them on
societieswithdifferenthistoriesandnecessities.
TheseviewshavesubjectedLeeKuanYewtoconsiderablecriticisminthe
West.Thoseofuswhoprizeourvalueswhileunderstandingthecomplexitiesof
a new country in a different culture are prepared to leave it to history to pass
judgment as to whether there were other options available to him. But, for a

generation, every American leader who has dealt with Lee Kuan Yew has
benefitedfromthefactthat,oninternationalissues,hehasidentifiedthefuture
ofhiscountrywiththefateofthedemocracies.Andhehasdonesonotpassively
butbymakingaseminalpoliticalcontributiontothestrugglesofourtime.
HenryA.Kissinger
NewYork,UnitedStatesofAmerica


Preface
IwrotethisbookforayoungergenerationofSingaporeanswhotookstability,
growthandprosperityforgranted.Iwantedthemtoknowhowdifficultitwas
forasmallcountryof640squarekilometreswithnonaturalresourcestosurvive
in the midst of larger, newly independent nations all pursuing nationalistic
policies.
Those who have been through the trauma of war in 1942 and the Japanese
occupation,andtakenpartinbuildinganeweconomyforSingapore,arenotso
sanguine. We cannot afford to forget that public order, personal security,
economicandsocialprogressandprosperityarenotthenaturalorderofthings,
thattheydependonceaselesseffortandattentionfromanhonestandeffective
governmentthatthepeoplemustelect.
Inmyearlierbook,Idescribedmyformativeyearsinpre-warSingapore,the
Japaneseoccupation,andthecommunistupheavalsfollowedbyracialproblems
duringourtwoyearsinMalaysia.
The Japanese occupation (1942–45) filled me with hatred for the cruelties
they inflicted on their fellow Asians, aroused my nationalism and self-respect,
and my resentment at being lorded over. My four years as a student in Britain
afterthewarstrengthenedmydeterminationtogetridofBritishcolonialrule.
IreturnedtoSingaporein1950,confidentofmycause,butignorantofthe
pitfalls and dangers that lay ahead. An anti-colonial wave swept me and many
others of my generation. I involved myself with trade unions and politics,

formedapoliticalparty,andattheageof35assumedofficein1959asthefirst
prime minister of an elected government of self-governing Singapore. My
friendsandIformedaunitedfrontwiththecommunists.Fromthestartweknew
thattherewouldhavetobeapartingofthewaysandatimeforreckoning.When
itcame,thefightwasbitter,andwewerefortunatenottohavebeendefeated.
Webelievedthelong-termfutureforSingaporewastorejoinMalayasowe
mergedwithittoformMalaysiainSeptember1963.Withinayear,inJuly1964,
we suffered Malay-Chinese race riots in Singapore. We were trapped in an


intractable struggle with Malay extremists of the ruling party, United Malay
National Organisation (UMNO), who were intent on a Malay-dominated
Malaysia.Tocountertheiruseofcommunalriotstocowus,weralliedthenonMalaysandMalaysthroughoutMalaysiaintheMalaysianSolidarityConvention
tofightforaMalaysianMalaysia.ByAugust1965weweregivennochoicebut
toleave.
Thecommunalbullyingandintimidationmadeourpeoplewillingtoendure
thehardshipsofgoingitalone.Thattraumaticexperienceofraceriotsalsomade
mycolleaguesandmeevenmoredeterminedtobuildamultiracialsocietythat
would give equality to all citizens, regardless of race, language or religion. It
wasanarticleoffaithwhichguidedourpolicies.
Thisbookcoversthelong,hardslogtofindwaysofstayingindependentand
making a living without Malaysia as our hinterland. We had to work against
seemingly insuperable odds to make it from poverty to prosperity in three
decades.
Theyearsafter1965werehecticandfilledwithanxiety,aswestruggledto
find our feet. We were relieved when we found in 1971 that we had created
enough jobs to avoid heavy unemployment even though the British withdrew
their forces from Singapore. But only after we weathered the international oil
crisis in 1973, with the quadrupling of oil prices, were we confident that we
could make it on our own. Thereafter it was hard work, planning and

improvising to establish ourselves as a viable nation linked by trade and
investments to the major industrial countries, and a successful hub for the
disseminationofgoods,servicesandinformationinourregion.
OurclimbfromapercapitaGDPofUS$400in1959(whenItookofficeas
prime minister) to more than US$12,200 in 1990 (when I stepped down) and
US$22,000 in 1999 took place at a time of immense political and economic
changes in the world. In material terms, we have left behind our Third World
problems of poverty. However, it will take another generation before our arts,
culture and social standards can match the First World infrastructure we have
installed.
DuringtheColdWar,whenitwasfarfromclearinthe1960sand’70swhich
sidewouldwin,wealignedourselveswiththeWest.TheColdWardividemade
forasimplerinternationalenvironment.Becauseourimmediateneighbourswere
against the communists, we enjoyed both regional solidarity and international
supportfromAmerica,WesternEuropeandJapan.Bythelate1980sitwasclear
wewereonthesideofthevictors.


This is not a how-to book, whether to build an economy, an army, or a
nation.ItisanaccountoftheproblemsmycolleaguesandIfaced,andhowwe
setaboutsolvingthem.Iwrotemyearlierbookasachronologicalnarrative.To
do so for this volume would have made the book too long. I have written by
themes,tocompress30yearsinto750pages.
LeeKuanYew
Singapore


Acknowledgements
AndrewTanKokKiongstartedresearchforthesememoirsin1995.Hewasan
officer in the Singapore administrative service, seconded to Singapore Press

Holdings (SPH) to help me. The prime minister, Goh Chok Tong, allowed me
access to all records and documents in the government ministries and in the
archives.Theregistryofficerintheprimeminister’soffice,FlorenceLerChay
Keng, and her assistants, Wendy Teo Kwee Geok and Vaijayanthimala, were
tirelessandthoroughintracingfilesanddocuments.WiththehelpofPangGek
Choo, who worked for the Straits Times, and Alan Chong, a young political
science graduate, Andrew searched through government records, minutes of
importantmeetings,correspondenceandotherrelevantdocuments.Mostuseful
werethenotesIdictatedimmediatelyaftermeetingsandconversations.
Andrew Tan was able and resourceful. He coordinated the work of the
researchers, organised the material, and made my task easier. Pang Gek Choo
was quick and efficient in tracing reports of events and speeches in the Straits
Timeslibraryandarchives.In1997,whentheworkexpanded,WalterFernandez
andYvonneLimfromSPHandDrGohAiTingfromtheNationalUniversityof
Singapore(NUS)joinedmyresearchers.
PanneerSelvanfromtheministryofforeignaffairshelpedretrieverecordsof
my dealings with foreign leaders. Lily Tan, director of the National Archives,
producedmanyusefuldocumentsandoralhistorytranscriptsofthosewhohad
allowedmetoreadthem.ThestaffattheNUSlibrary,theNationalLibraryand
theStraitsTimeseditoriallibrarywerealwayshelpful.
JohnDickie,formerdiplomaticcorrespondentoftheDailyMail,gavemuch
valuable advice, especially on what would interest a British reader. My good
friendGeraldHensley,NewZealand’sformerhighcommissionerinSingapore
andlatersecretaryfordefence,gavegoodsuggestions.
StraitsTimeswriters,CheongYipSeng(editor-in-chief),HanFookKwang,
WarrenFernandez,ZuraidahIbrahim,IreneNgandChuaMuiHoongproposed
many changes, making the book easier to read, especially for those without


backgroundknowledgeoftheeventsIdescribed.

LimJimKoon,editorofLianheZaobao,readthroughthewholedraftbefore
itstranslationintoChinese.SengHanThong,formerlyofLianheZaobao,now
intheNationalTradesUnionCongress(NTUC),wentthroughmanyversionsof
thedraftsbeforefinallysettlingtheChinesetranslation.
Guntor Sadali, editor of Berita Harian, minister for community
development,AbdullahTarmugi,seniorparliamentarysecretary,ZainulAbidin
Rasheed, and parliamentary secretaries Mohamad Maidin and Yaacob Ibrahim
gave their views on all the chapters relating to Malays. I wanted to avoid
unintentionallyhurtingMalaysensitivitiesandhavetriedhardnottodoso.
Oldfriendsandcolleagues,GohKengSwee,LimKimSan,OngPangBoon,
OthmanWok,LeeKhoonChoy,RahimIshak,MauriceBaker,SimKeeBoon,
S.R.Nathan(nowourPresident)andNgiamTongDow,readvariouspartsofmy
draftsandcorrectedorconfirmedmyrecollectionofevents.
My drafts were also read by Kishore Mahbubani (permanent representative
totheUnitedNations),ChanHengChee(ambassadortoWashington),Bilahari
Kausikan (deputy secretary, ministry of foreign affairs), Tommy Koh
(ambassador at large) and Lee Tsao Yuan (director of the Institute of Policy
Studies). Their valuable advice as diplomats, writers and academics helped me
givethebookabetterfocus.
Shova Loh, line editor in Times Media, meticulously cleaned up the final
draft.
Mythreepersonalassistants,WongLinHoe,LohHockTeckandKohKiang
Chay,workedtirelessly,oftenlateintotheevenings,totakeineveryamendment
andcheckforaccuracy.Theywentwellbeyondthecallofduty.Toallofthem
andotherstoonumeroustoname,Iexpressmygratefulthanks.Theerrorsand
shortcomingsthatremainaremine.
Aswiththefirstvolume,mywifeChoowentthrougheverypagemanytimes
untilshewassatisfiedthatwhatIhadwrittenwasclearandeasytoread.

PartI

GettingtheBasicsRight