Encyclopedia of World CulturesVolume I - NORTH AMERICA - J ppsx

168
Jews
Jews
ETHNONYMS:
Ashkenazim,
Hebrews,
Sephardim
Orientation
Identification.
The
Jews
of
North
America
are
a
relatively
assimilated
ethnic
group
in
the
United
States
and
Canada.
The
name
"Jew"
is
an

Anglicized
version
of
the
Hebrew
word
yehudi,
meaning
"Hebrew,
the
language
of
the
kingdom
of
Judah,"
and
originally
referred
to
the
members
of
the
tribe
of
Judah,
one
of
twelve

tribes
of
Israel
in
the
Middle
East
about
four
thousand
years
ago.
Jewish
self-identity
rests
on
a
num-
ber
of
factors
including
a
unique
set
of
religious
beliefs
and
practices,

ancestry
from
Jewish
peoples,
a
shared
understand-
ing
of
the
Holocaust,
and
a
belief
in
Israel
as
the
Jewish
homeland.
Location.
Jews
in
North
America
live
primarily
in
cities
or

adjacent
suburbs.
Although
urban
Jewish
ghettos
no
longer
exist,
a
pattern
of
residential
isolation
persists,
with
many
city
neighborhoods
or
suburban
communities
defined
as
"Jewish"
because
of
the
large
number

of
Jews
who
reside
there
and
the
Jewish
institutions
such
as
synagogues,
community
centers,
and
kosher
food
stores
located
there.
Sixty
percent
of
Jews
live
on
the
East
Coast
of

the
United
States
and
about
20
per-
cent
on
the
West
Coast,
with
relatively
few,
save
those
in
major
cities,
in
the
South
and
Midwest.
In
Canada,
the
same
pattern

holds,
with
two-thirds
of
the
Jewish
population
living
in
or
near
Toronto
or
Montreal.
Demography.
In
1986
the
Jewish
population
in
North
America
was
about
6.3
million,
with
5.9
million

in
the
United
States
and
305,000
in
Canada.
Thus,
North
American
Jews
constitute
about
43
percent
of
the
14.5
million
Jews
in
the
world.
By
way
of
comparison,
in
Europe

there
are
4.1
million
Jews,
in
Asia
3.3
million,
in
South
America
600,000,
in
Af-
rica
159,000,
and
in
Oceania
72,000.
The
United
States
has
the
largest
Jewish
population
in

the
world
and
Canada
the
seventh
largest.
In
North
America,
the
majority
of
Jews
live
in
twelve
large
cities,
with
1.9
million
in
the
metropolitan
New
York
City
region
(over

30
percent
of
U.S.
Jews),
500,000
in
Los
Angeles,
300,000
in
Philadelphia,
250,000
each
in
Miami
and
Chicago,
over
100,000
each
in
Boston,
Washing-
ton,
D.C.,
Montreal,
and
Toronto,
and

over
50,000
each
in
Baltimore
and
San
Francisco.
In
Canada,
the
other
Jewish
population
centers
are
Winnipeg,
15,000,
and
Vancouver,
14,000.
The
Jewish
population
has
been
relatively
stable
for
the

past
decade,
despite
a
relatively
low
birth
rate,
offset
somewhat
by
recent
emigrations
of
Jews
from
the
Soviet
Union
and
Israel
to
the
United
States
and
Canada.
Linguistic
Affiliation.
The

overwhelming
majority
of
North
American
Jews
use
English
as
their
primary
or
only
do-
mestic
language,
or
French
in
the
French-speaking
provinces
of
Canada,
with
about
20
percent
of
Canadian

Jews
bilingual
in
the
two
languages.
Recent
immigrants
from
Europe
and
the
Middle
East
often
speak
the
language
of
their
homeland,
those
from
the
Soviet
Union
speaking
Russian,
those
from

Syria
speaking
Arabic,
and
those
from
Israel
speaking
He-
brew.
Hasidic
Jews
use
Yiddish,
written
with
Hebrew
charac-
ters,
and
some
Jews
of
central
and
eastern
European
ancestry
speak
Yiddish

at
home.
Yiddish,
the
traditional
language
of
Jews
of
Eastern
Europe,
shares
common
medieval
roots
with
High
German
and
contains
Slavic
loan-words,
although
it
is
usually
written
with
Hebrew
characters

and
from
right
to
left
as
is
Hebrew.
A
number
of
Yiddish
words
have
become
part
of
the
U.S.
English
lexicon,
including
blintze,
chutzpah,
goy,
kib-
itz,
landsman,
mensh,
nebbish,

shlemiel,
shock,
shnook,
and
shmooz.
Hebrew
is
the
religious
language
for
Orthodox
and
some
Conservative
Jews,
with
prayerbooks
written
in
and
prayers
chanted
in
Hebrew.
Hebrew
is
a
branch
of

the
Canaanite
group
of
Semitic
languages.
Reform
Jews
use
English
in
their
religious
services.
History
and
Cultural
Relations
The
immigration
history
of
Jews
to
the
U.S.
and
Canada
dif-
fers

as
does
the
nature
of
cultural
relations
between
Jews
and
other
groups
in
those
nations.
United
States.
The
first
Jews
in
North
America-23
Se-
phardic
Jews
from
South
America-arrived
in

New
Am-
sterdam
(now
New
York
City)
in
1654.
Since
then
Jews
have
continued
to
immigrate
to
North
America,
with
the
bulk
ar-
riving
in
three
periods:
1830-1880,
1881-1924,
and

1935-
1941.
Prior
to
1830
most
Jews
in
North
America
were
Se-
phardic
(see
"Social
Organization"
below)
and
numbered
about
six
thousand
in
1830.
From
1830
to
1880
the
Jewish

population
increased
to
250,000,
most
of
whom
were
Ash-
kenazi
Jews
who
emigrated
from
Germany,
as
part
of
a
larger
movement
of
Germans
to
North
America.
Not
only
did
these

immigrants,
largely
young,
rural
or
small-town
peoples
escap-
ing
religious
persecution,
swell
the
Jewish
population,
but
they
also
spread
across
the
continent
establishing
communi-
ties
in
dozens
of
cities.
The

second
period
of
migration
from
1880-1924
closed
with
a
Jewish
population
of
over
4
million
in
the
United
States,
mostly
urban
and
mostly
on
the
East
Coast.
This
time
the

immigrants
were
mostly
Ashkenazi
Jews
from
eastern
and
central
European
countries
such
as
Poland,
Romania,
Hungary,
and
especially
western
Russia.
These
im-
migrants
were
the
forebears
of
about
80
percent

of
Jews
in
North
America
today.
Restrictive
immigration
laws
in
the
United
States
and
the
depression
slowed
immigration,
but
beginning
in
the
mid-1930s
until
the
late
1940s,
some
200,000
Jews

fleeing
Nazi-controlled
Europe
and
extermina-
tion
in
concentration
camps
arrived
in
the
United
States.
The
1900-1950
period
was
also
a
time
of
upward
(socially
and
economically)
and
outward
(from
the

cities
to
the
sub-
urbs)
mobility
for
the
eastern
European
Jews.
Since
the
estab-
lishment
of
the
state
of
Israel
in
1948,
Jews
have
arrived
in
the
United
States
mainly

from
the
Middle
East,
the
Soviet
Union,
and
most
recently
from
Israel.
One
key
feature
of
Jew-
ish
immigration
is
that
most
of
the
immigrants
stayed,
with
only
one
in

fourteen
returning
to
their
homelands
as
com-
pared
to
about
one
in
three
returns
for
most
other
ethnic
groups.
Despite
overt
discrimination
in
education
and
employ.
ment
in
the
past

and
organized
anti-Semitism
in
some
sectors
of
American
society,
laws
have
generally
guaranteed
Jews
reli-
gious
freedom
and
relations
with
other
ethnic
and
religious
groups
have
been
generally
peaceful
if

not
friendly.
Political
ties
to
the
African-American
community
are
no
longer
as
strong
as
they
once
were.
Current
tensions
with
the
African-
Jews
169
Americans
reflect,
in
part,
Jewish
concerns

over
African-
American
support
for
the
Palestinians
in
the
Middle
East
and
African-American
concerns
over
Jewish
ties
to
South
Africa
and
lack
of
Jewish
support
for
affirmative
action
programs.
Jews

generally
distinguish
themselves
from
all
non-Jews
who
are
classified
and
referred
to
as
goyim,
commonly
understood
to
mean
"non-Jew."
Some
scholars
suggest
that
Jews
in
the
United
States
today
are

more
apt
to
stress
the
secular
aspects
of
Jewishness,
such
as
the
use
of
Yiddish
words,
as
opposed
to
the
religious
aspects
such
as
following
Jewish
law
regarding
dietary
restrictions.

Canada.
In
contrast
to
the
immigration
history
in
the
United
States,
the
majority
of
Jewish
immigrants
to
Canada
arrived
after
1945,
with
about
40
percent
of
the
current
Ca-
nadian

Jewish
population
composed
of
recent
arrivals
as
com-
pared
to
about
20
percent
for
the
United
States.
In
1900
there
were
15,000
Jews
in
Canada,
but
by
1915
the
popula-

tion
had
grown
to
100,000
through
mass
emigrations
from
eastern
Europe.
Few
Jews
immigrated
to
Canada
in
the
years
before
World
War
11,
and
about
200,000
have
arrived
since
then.

These
include
Jews
fleeing
war-torn
Europe,
Hungarian
Jews
escaping
from
Hungary
in
1956,
French-speaking
Jews
coming
from
North
Africa,
and,
most
recently,
about
22,000
arriving
from
Israel
and
8,000
from

the
Soviet
Union.
Largely
because
Canada
is
a
bicultural
nation
with
dis-
tinct
French-
and
English-speaking
populations
and
because
of
greater
acceptance
of
cultural
diversity,
Jews
in
Canada,
like
other

ethnic
groups,
are
relatively
less
assimilated
than
their
counterparts
in
the
United
States.
While
this
has
led
to
a
more
visible
emphasis
on
religious
elements
of
Jewishness
and
the
survival

of
European
customs,
it
has
also
placed
Jews
outside
the
two
mainstream
Canadian
religious
traditions
of
Catholicism
and
Protestantism.
This
position
as
a
third
reli-
gion
and
other
factors
have

sometimes
subjected
Jews
to
laws
interfering
with
traditional
religious
practices.
Laws
intro-
duced
after
World
War
11
removed
most
of
these
restrictions.
Today,
Canadian
Jews
are
slowly
becoming
more
like

U.S.
Jews,
with
the
use
of
European
customs
and
languages
dis-
appearing.
Economy
Jews
are
now
largely
integrated
into
the
U.S.
and
Canadian
economic
systems.
Although
they
work
in
most

trades
and
professions,
they
are
overrepresented
(as
a
percentage
of
the
population)
in
several,
including
ownership
of
small
and
middle-sized
businesses,
the
communication
and
entertain-
ment
industries,
public
service,
and

professions
such
as
medi-
cine,
dentistry,
law,
accounting,
teaching,
and
scientific
re-
search.
Past
and
present
discrimination
has
been
cited
by
some
as
the
cause
of
the
relatively
few
Jews

found
in
the
upper
echelons
of
the
banking
industry
and
large
corporations
in
general.
Civil
rights
legislation
of
the
1960s
and
1970s
has
outlawed
old
laws
and
private
covenants
that

restricted
Jew-
ish
ownership
of
land
or
membership
in
private
associations.
The
traditional
Jewish
division
of
labor
with
men
working
outside
the
home
and
women
working
in
the
home
has

given
way
to
many
women
having
professional
employment.
Kinship,
Marriage
and
Family
Marriage
and
Family.
Jewish
marriage
and
kinship
prac-
tices
conform
to
those
of
mainstream
North
American
cul-
ture:

monogamous
marriage,
nuclear
families,
bilateral
de-
scent,
and
Eskimo-type
kinship
terms.
Surnames
are
patri-
lineal,
although
there
is
a
trend
toward
women
keeping
their
own
surnames
at
marriage
or
hyphenating

their
husbands'
surnames
and
their
own.
The
importance
of
family
continuity
is
emphasized
by
the
custom
of
naming
children
after
de-
ceased
relatives.
Although
marriage
with
non-Jews
(goyim)
was
proscribed

and
sanctioned
by
ostracism
in
the
past,
the
intermarriage
rate
today
is
increasing
as
among
North
Ameri-
cans
in
general.
Though
Jewish
families
have
fewer
children,
they
are
often
described

as
child-oriented,
with
family
re-
sources
freely
expended
on
education
for
both
boys
and
girls.
Jewish
identity
is
traced
matrilineally.
That
is,
if
one's
mother
is
a
Jew,
then
that

person
is
Jewish
according
to
Jewish
law
and
entitled
to
all
the
rights
and
privileges
that
status
brings,
including
the
right
to
emigrate
to
and
settle
in
Israel
as
citizens.

Socialization.
As
with
most
Americans
and
Canadians,
early
socialization
takes
place
in
the
home.
Jewish
parents
are
indulgent
and
permissive
and
rarely
use
physical
punishment.
Socialization
as
a
Jew
takes

place
in
the
home
through
story-
telling
and
participation
in
Jewish
rituals,
and
through
atten-
dance
at
Hebrew
school
in
the
afternoon
or
evening
and
par-
ticipation
in
Jewish
youth

groups
at
the
synagogue
or
community
center.
Orthodox
Jews
often
run
their
own
gram-
mar
and
high
schools,
whereas
most
non-Orthodox
Jews
at-
tend
public
or
private
secular
schools.
Acquisition

of
knowl-
edge
and
the
open
discussion
of
ideas
are
important
values
and
activities
for
Jews,
and
many
attend
college
and
profes-
sional
schools.
The
Bar
Mitzvah
ceremony
for
a

boy
at
age
thirteen
is
an
important
rite
of
passage
as
it
marks
him
as
an
adult
member
of
the
community
for
religious
purposes,
and
the
Bat
Mitzvah
ceremony
for

a
Reform
or
Conservative
girl
at
age
twelve
or
thirteen
serves
the
same
purpose.
In
the
past
the
Bar
Mitzvah
ceremony
was
much
more
elaborate
and
spiritual
in
focus;
today

both
ceremonies
have
become
important
social
as
well
as
religious
events
for
many
Jews.
Sociopolitical
Organization
Social
Organization.
Today,
Jews
are
highly
integrated
into
the
North
American
class
system,
with

Jews
found
in
the
upper,
middle,
and
working
classes.
Upward
social
mobility
is
an
important
value,
and
has
been
achieved
for
about
three
generations
largely
through
education.
Although
Jews
are

often
thought
to
be
concentrated
in
the
upper-middle
and
lower-upper
classes,
there
is
still
a
sizable
number
in
the
work-
ing
class
and
some
elderly
Jews
live
below
the
poverty

line.
Vestiges
of
discrimination
remain
and
Jews
are
still
excluded
from
some
social
organizations
open
to
non-Jews.
In
commu-
nities
with
large
Jewish
populations,
exclusively
or
largely
Jew-
ish
social

organizations
such
as
community
centers,
the
Young
Men's
and
Young
Women's
Hebrew
Associations
(YMHA,
YwHA),
B'nai
B'rith,
and
Hadassah
are
important.
And
in
some
communities
the
synagogue
shull)
plays
an

impor-
tant
social
and
recreational
role.
Many
Jews
are
also
involved
in
or
contribute
to
national
or
international
organizations
1
70
Jews
that
support
Jewish
causes
such
as
the
Anti-Defamation

League
of
the
B'nai
B'rith,
the
United
Jewish
Appeal,
and
the
United
Jewish
Welfare
Fund.
Internally,
Jews
have
no
formal
social
or
political
organi-
zation,
although
they
can
be
and

are
often
divided
into
sub-
groups
on
the
basis
of
three
overlapping
criteria:
degree
of
re-
ligiousness,
place
of
one's
own
or
one's
ancestor's
birth,
and
Ashkenazic
or
Sephardic
ancestry.

Degree
of
religiousness
is
reflected
in
the
labels
Orthodox,
Conservative,
or
Reform
Ju-
daism.
Orthodox
Jews
generally
follow
and
resist
changes
in
traditional
religious
beliefs
and
practices,
which
they
base

on
the
halakhah,
the
Jewish
literature
that
covers
ethical,
reli-
gious,
civil,
and
criminal
matters.
Conservative
Judaism
com-
prises
a
combination
of
thought
reflecting
different
philo-
sophical,
ethical,
and
spiritual

schools.
In
general,
Conserva-
tives
stress
change
from
within,
Zionism,
and
an
ingathering
of
all
Jews.
Because
of
the
diversity
of
opinion,
Conservative
religious
practices
run
a
wide
gamut,
although

most
are
less
traditional
than
those
of
Orthodoxy.
Reform
Judaism,
as
the
name
suggests,
reflects
a
modification
of
Orthodoxy
in
light
of
contemporary
life
and
thought.
Thus,
Reform
Jews
do

not
believe
that
Jewish
law
is
divinely
revealed
and
eschew
many
practices
central
to
Orthodoxy
such
as
eating
only
kosher
foods,
wearing
a
skull-cap
(yarmulke)
when
praying,
and
using
Hebrew

in
prayer.
The
differences
among
Orthodox,
Conservative,
and
Reform
Jews
go
well
beyond
religion
and
are
manifested
in
many
day-to-day
activities
and
events
and
the degree
to
which
members
of
each

are
assimilated
into
North
American
society.
Other
categories
of
Jews
based
on
degree
of
religiousness
include
Hasidic
(ultra-Orthodox)
Jews,
Reconstructionalists,
and
"Civil"
Jews.
As
mentioned
above,
Jews
arrived
in
North

America
in
waves,
largely
from
European
nations
and
these
places
of
an-
cestry
are
used
to
delineate
one
Jew
or
group
of
Jews
from
an-
other.
Thus,
for
example,
one

speaks
of
German
Jews,
Rus-
sian
Jews,
Polish
Jews,
Syrian
Jews,
and
so
on,
or
in
a
more
general
sense,
eastern,
central,
or
southern
European
Jews.
These
distinctions
are
no

longer
especially
important,
al-
though
German
Jews
are
still
looked
upon
as
wealthier
and
of
higher
status
than
other
Jews.
The
final
major
distinction
is
between
Jews
of
Ashkenazic
(Ashkenazim)

or
Sephardic
(Sephardim,
Sfar-
dim)
ancestry.
Ashkenazim
Jews
are
those
descended
from
the
Ashkenazic
Jews
of
eastern
and
central
Europe
and
cur-
rently
make
up
about
90
percent
of
North

American
Jews.
Se-
phardim
are
descended
from
the
Sephardic
Jews
who
lived
in
southern
Europe
from
about
the
seventh
to
the
fifteenth
cen-
tury
when
they
were
expelled
from
Spain

by
Queen
Isabella
and
King
Ferdinand.
Most
of
the
exiles
settled
in
the
Middle
East
and
North
Africa.
Beyond
a
difference
in
place
of
ances-
try,
Ashkenazic
and
Sephardic
Jews

differed
and
in
some
ways
continue
to
differ
in
language
(Yiddish
or
European
lan-
guages
versus
Judeo-Spanish
or
Middle
Eastern
languages),
the
pronunciation
and
spelling
of
Hebrew,
liturgy,
and
sur-

names.
But
members
of
both
groups
freely
acknowledge
that
members
of
the
other
group
are
Jews,
although
some
Ashkenazim
were
less
accepting
of
Sephardim
in
the
past.
Al-
though
North

American
Judaism
is
dominated
by
Ash-
kenazim
because
of
their
large
numbers,
there
are
important
Sephardic
communities
in
New
York,
Los
Angeles,
Seattle,
Atlanta,
Chicago,
Montreal,
Rochester,
and
Indianapolis.
These

communities
derive
from
a
migration
occurring
from
1900
to
1925
when
Sephardic
Jews
left
areas
that
are
now
Turkey,
Greece,
Yugoslavia,
Rhodes,
and
other
territories
of
the
Ottoman
Empire.
Finally,

mention
should
be
made
of
other
Jewish
groups
such
as
Karaites
(Qaraites),
Israeli,
and
Russian
Jews
who
have
recently
immigrated
to
North
America
from
their
re-
spective
countries,
and
Black

Jews
who
have
formed
their
own
sects
(though
by
Jewish-defined
criteria
most
of
these
sects
are
not
considered
Jews).
These
groups,
who
sometimes
follow
an
ultra-Orthodox
life-style
or
a
life-style

different
from
that
of
assimilated
Jews,
also
sometimes
choose
to
live
in
relatively
isolated
urban
communities
and
form
their
own
synagogues.
The
recent
emigrants
from
Israel
are
looked
upon
by

some
with
puzzlement,
as
they
seem
to
be
rejecting
the
aliyyah,
or
ascent
to
the
land
of
Israel,
a
marker
of
Jewish
identity
if
not
a
goal
for
many
Jews.

Political
Organization.
Although
North
American
Juda-
ism
has
no
overarching
political
structure
similar
to
that
of
Roman
Catholicism
or
the
Church
of
the
Latter-Day
Saints
(Mormons),
the
Orthodox,
Conservative,
and

Reform
syna-
gogues
are
aligned
with
central
organizations-the
Union
of
Orthodox
Congregations
of
America,
the
United
Synagogue
of
America
(Conservative),
and
the
Union
of
American
He-
brew
Congregations
(Reform).
Although

in
the
past
the
syn-
agogue
played
an
important
organizational
and
leadership
role,
it
no
longer
does
so
for
most
Jews.
Similarly,
the
rabbi,
the
spiritual
and
moral
leader
of

the
synagogue
congregation,
now
rarely
plays
a
leadership
role
in
the
community,
based
solely
on
his
status
as
the
rabbi.
Jews
have
been
seen
(often
by
anti-Semitic
commenta-
tors)
as

aligned
with
liberal
or
radical
political
philosophies
including
socialism,
communism,
unionization,
and
the
New
Deal
and
tended
to
vote
heavily
in
favor
of
candidates
of
the
Democratic
party
in
the

United
States;
in
the
past
decade
or
two,
a
marked
trend
toward
conservatism
and
identification
with
the
Republican
party
has
been
noted
among
a
minority
of
Jews.
Jews,
despite
being

only
about
2
percent
of
the
popu-
lation,
are
an
important
voting
bloc
because
large
numbers
vote
and
because
they
make
up
a
sizable
percentage
of
the
population
in
some

large
states
such
as
New
York
and
Florida
and
the
Canadian
provinces
of
Ontario
and
Quebec.
Jews
run
for
and
have
been
elected
to
numerous
local
and
state
offices.
Social

Control
and
Conflict.
Integrated
as
they
are
into
U.S.
and
Canadian
society,
Jews
generally
resolve
legal
con-
flicts
with
Jews
or
non-Jews
through
the
legal
system.
Legal
remedies
available
through

Jewish
agencies
are
rarely
used.
Among
the
Orthodox
there
is
recourse
to
some
religiously
sanctioned
social
control
such
as
Orthodox
divorce.
Al-
though
overt
discrimination
against
Jews
is
waning
in

North
America,
there
is
a
long
tradition
of
anti-Semitism,
reflected
in
limited
access
to
certain
professions
and
residential
isola-
tion.
Within
the
Jewish
communities
in
both
nations,
there
are
long

traditions
of
supporting
Jewish
causes
and
institu-
tions
through
charitable
donations
to
and
work
for
syna-
gogues,
schools,
community
centers,
social
welfare
agencies,
and
the
state
of
Israel.
Jicarilla
171

Religion
and
Expressive
Culture
Religious
Beliefs.
Judaism
is
the
oldest
monotheistic
reli-
gion
to
survive
to
modem
times.
To
Jews,
God
is
the
Supreme
Being,
the
Creator
of
the
Universe,

and
ultimate
Judge
of
Human
Affairs.
Some
importance
is
also
given
to
particular
prophets
and
angels.
The
Hebrew
calendar
is
a
lunar
calendar
(based
on
the
movement
of
the
moon

around
the
earth)
and
has
354
days,
12
months
of
29
or
30
days
each
with
extra
days
added
so
that
the
lunar
calendar
conforms
to
the
solar
(Gre-
gorian)

calendar,
and
seven
days
in
a
week.
The
Hebrew
cal-
endar
is
based
on
the
date
3761
B.C.E.,
the
year
traditional
Jew-
ish
scholars
believed
the
world
began.
Thus,
the

years
5748-5749
are
the
equivalent
of
1989
in
the
Gregorian
cal-
endar.
Jewish
weekly
synagogue
attendance
is
relatively
low
at
about
20
percent
compared
to
other
religions.
Because
of
the

wide
divergence
of
religious
belief
and
practice
(Orthodox/
Conservative/Reform,
Ashkenazic/Sephardic,
and
so
on),
no
single
all-encompassing
system
of
Jewish
belief
and
practice
can
be
described.
Religious
Practitioners.
There
is
no

hierarchy
of
religious
leaders.
The
rabbi
(master,
teacher)
is
the
spiritual
leader
of
the
synagogue
congregation.
Today,
the
role
and
status
of
the
rabbi
is
roughly
the
same
as
that

of
a
Protestant
minister
or
Catholic
priest
and
involves
pastoral,
social,
educational,
and
interfaith
responsibilities.
Reform
Jews
and
Reconstruction-
alists
permit
women
to
be
ordained
as
rabbis.
Cantors
are
also

important,
leading
the
congregation
in
the
chanting
of
prayers
(prayers
are
chanted,
not
recited)
and
in
training
boys
for
the
Bar
Mitzvah.
Ceremonies.
Rosh
Hashanah
(New
Year)
and
Yom
Kip-

pur
(the
Day
of
Atonement),
the
High
Holy
Days,
usually
fall
in
September.
Pesach
(Passover),
Shavout
(Festival
of
Weeks),
and
Succot
(Feast
of
the
Ingathering)
were
originally
harvest
festivals
involving

pilgrimages
to
the
Temple.
Pass-
over
today
marks
the
escape
of
the
Hebrews
from
ancient
Egypt
about
3,500
years
ago
and
is
widely
celebrated.
Minor
holy
days
or
festivals
include

Hanukkah
(dedication
Feast
of
Lights),
Purim
(Festival
of
Lots),
and
Tisha
B'Av
(Ninth
Day
of
Av).
Although
of
less
importance
today,
Rosh
Hodesh
(Beginning
of
a
New
Moon)
is
still

noted
and
marked
by
spe-
cial
prayers.
Shabbat
(the
Sabbath)
is
the
only
Holy
Day
mentioned
in
the
Ten
Commandments
and
is
celebrated
from
sundown
Friday
to
sundown
Saturday
each

week
of
the
year.
The
Sabbath
is
a
day
of
rest
and
reflection.
In
addition
to
these
Holy
Days
and
festivals,
all
major
life-cycle
events-
birth,
age
of
religious
majority,

marriage,
and
death-are
marked
by
prayer
and
ritual
observances.
Death
and
Afterlife.
Jewish
law
requires
that
the
deceased
be
buried
within
twenty-four
hours
of
death.
Some
Reform
Jews
allow
cremation.

For
close
relatives
there
is
a
seven-day
mourning
period
(shivah)
involving
prayer
and
restrictions
on
the
activities
of
the
moumer.
Regular
prayer
in
memory
of
the
deceased
follows
at
set

intervals
following
the
mourning
period.
Jewish
beliefs
concerning
the
soul
and
afterlife
are
vague
and
vary
from
one
group
to
another.
See
also
Hasidim,
and
entries
on
Jews
in
the

Europe
and
Mid-
dle
East,
Soviet
Union
and
China,
and
South
Asia
volumes
Bibliography
Cohen,
Steven
(1983).
American
Modernity
and
Jewish
Iden-
tity.
New
York:
Tavistock.
Goren,
Arthur
A.
(1980).

"Jews."
In
Harvard
Encycopedia
of
American
Ethnic
Groups,
edited
by
Stephan
Thernstrom,
571-598.
Cambridge:
Harvard
University
Press,
Belknap
Press.
Gross,
David
C.
(1981).
The
Jewish
People's
Almanac.
Gar-
den
City,

N.Y.:
Doubleday.
Rosenberg,
Stuart
E.
(1970-1971).
The
Jewish
Community
in
Canada.
Toronto:
McClelland
&
Stewart.
Rosenberg,
Stuart
E.
(1985).
The
New
Jewish
Identity
in
America.
New
York:
Hippocrene
Books.
Tillem,

Ivan
L.,
comp.
and
ed.
(1987).
The
1987-88
Jewish
Almanac.
New
York:
Pacific Press.
Weinfeld,
M.,
W.
Shaffir,
and
1.
Coder,
eds.
(1981).
The
Ca-
nadian
Jewish
Mosaic.
Toronto:
John
Wiley.

DAVID
LEVINSON
Jicarilla
ETHNONYM:
Tinde
Orientation
Identification.
The
Jicarilla
are
an
American
Indian
group
whose
names
for
themselves,
'Haisndayin"
and
"Dinde,"
have
been
translated
as"people
who
came
from
below"
and

"people."
The
name
"Jicarilla"
was
used
first
by
the
Spanish
in
1700
in
reference
to
a
hill
or
peak
associated
with
theloca-
tion
of
the
tribe
at
that
time.
Location.

The
homelands
of
the
Jicarilla
were
located
in
the
high
country
of
present-day
southern
Colorado
and
north-central
New
Mexico.
The
Sangre
de
Cristo
Mountains,
ranging
in
height
from
two
thousand

to
fourteen
thousand
feet,
roughly
bisect
the
former
Jicarilla
territory
from
north
to
south
and
are
flanked
on
the
east
and
west
by
high
plains.
The
considerable
variation
in
the

topography
of
this
region
results
in
a
varied
climate,
but
one
that
is
generally
moderate
with
low
annual
precipitation.
Summers
are
hot
and
dry
and
winters
cold
and
snowy.
The

principal
rivers
in
the
region
are
the
Rio
Grande,
the
Arkansas,
the
Canadian,
and
the
Chama.
Spruce,
fir,
aspen,
juniper,
and
pifion
trees
are
found
at
the
higher
elevations,
while

short
grasslands
predominate
on
the
high
plains
and
in
the
intermontane
basins.
Demography.
In
1860
the
Jicarilla
numbered
860.
By
1900
their
numbers
had
declined
to
815
and
continued
to

172
Jicarilla
decline
to
588
in
1920.
This
decline
in
population
was
due
most
directly
to
tuberculosis,
but
the
spread
of
the
disease
it-
self
was
the
result
of
poverty

and
poor
nutrition
associated
with
limited
employment
and
insufficient
rations
on
their
New
Mexico
reservation.
In
the
1920s
government
programs
to
improve
health
and
economic
conditions
on
the
reserva-
tion

helped
reverse
the
population
decline.
By
1955
the
num-
ber
of
Jicarilla
exceeded
1,000
and
in
1981
stood
at
2,308
on
the
Jicarilla
Reservation
in
north-central
New
Mexico.
Linguistic
Affiliation.

The
Jicarilla
language
is
a
dialect
of
the
Apachean
group
of
Southern
Athapaskan
languages.
History
and
Cultural
Relations
The
Jicarilla
are
descendants
of
Southern
Athapaskan
hunt-
ers
who
migrated
from

the
subarctic
region
west
of
Hudson
Bay
to
the
Southwest
between
1300
and
1500.
The
probable
route
of
migration
was
through
the
plains
along
the
eastern
edge
of
the
Rocky

Mountains.
The
Apacheans
in
general
came
into
contact
with
the
Spanish
in
the
mid-sixteenth
cen-
tury,
and
until
the
beginning
of
the
eighteenth
century
con-
tacts
with
the
Spanish
were

limited
and
generally
friendly.
During
the
1700s
Hispanic
settlement
of
Jicarilla
lands
grad-
ually
increased
through
land
grants
by
the
Mexican
govern-
ment
to
its
citizens.
The
Jicarilla
never
agreed

to
these
land
grants.
After
the
Jicarilla
territory
passed
to
the
jurisdiction
of
the
United
States
in
1848,
American
settlement
of
Jicarilla
lands
also
increased.
The
expansion
of
Hispanic
and

American
settlement
rendered
the
Jicarilla's
traditional
way
of
life
impossible,
and
in
response
they
began
to
raid
White
wagon
trains
and
settle-
ments.
In
1854
the
government
of
New
Mexico

declared
war
on
the
Jicarilla
and
the
following
year
forced
them
to
sign
a
peace
treaty
providing
for
their
removal
to
a
reservation.
The
plan
for
the
Jicarilla
reservation
did

not
materialize
until
1887.
When
it
did,
the
system
of
individual
land
allotments
intended
to
transform
the
people
into
farmers
failed
owing
to
the
unfavorable
climate
and
terrain
of
the

reservation
site,
which
led
to
social
dislocation
and
dependence
on
govern-
ment
welfare.
After
the
turn
of
the
century
the
federal
govern-
ment
added
new
lands
to
the
reservation
in

an
unsuccessful
attempt
to
promote
livestock
raising.
At
this
time
living
con-
ditions
on
the
reservation
reached
their
low
point,
with
wide-
spread
unemployment,
poverty,
malnutrition,
and
disease.
Fi-
nally,

in
the
1920s
the
federal
government
succeeded
in
introducing
sheep
raising,
and
conditions
on
the
reservation
improved.
Culturally,
the
Jicarilla
were
heavily
influenced
by
the
Plains
Indians
to
their
east

and
the
Pueblo
Indians
to
their
west,
with
the
result
that
their
own
culture
exhibited
a
combi-
nation
of
nomadic
hunting
and
settled
farming
characteris-
tics.
One
of
the
Plains

Indian
traits
prominent
in
Jicarilla
cul-
ture
was
an
emphasis
on
raiding
and
warfare.
After
Spanish
contact
raiding
increased
in
frequency
and
intensity
with
the
use
of
and
need
for

horses.
At
the
beginning
of
the
eighteenth
century
the
Jicarilla
commonly
raided
the
Plains
tribes
to
their
east
and
used
the
fruits
of
their
successes
to
trade
with
the
Pueblo

Indians
and
the
Spanish.
During
the
second
dec-
ade
of
the
eighteenth
century
Comanches
who
had
obtained
guns
from
the
French
drove
the
Jicarilla
out
of
Colorado
and
into
the

foothills
and
mountains
of
northern
New
Mexico.
Subsequently,
the
Jicarilla
sought
help
from
the
Spanish
by
offering
allegiance
to
the
king
of
Spain,
but
with
little
result.
In
1779
a

combined
force
of
Jicarilla,
Ute,
Pueblo,
and
Span-
ish
soldiers
defeated
the
Comanche,
who,
after
another
seven
years
and
several
more
military
campaigns,
finally
sued
for
peace.
Thereafter
the
Jicarilla

were
able
to
reestablish
them-
selves
in
southern
Colorado.
Settlements
The
Jicarilla
lived
in
local
groups
of
150
to
400
people
who
occupied
semipermanent,
dispersed
settlements
or
camps
usually
situated

along
the
banks
of
rivers
and
streams
and
from
which
they
conducted
their
hunting
and
raiding
activi-
ties.
Dwellings
were
low,
dome-shaped
structures,
called
wickiups,
which
consisted
of
a
pole

frame
covered
over
with
leaves
and
bark.
Animal
skins
were
laid
over
the
structure
for
additional
protection
from
the
cold.
Economy
Subsistence
and
Commercial
Activities.
The
Jicarilla
economy
was
based

on
hunting
and
gathering,
but
agriculture
was
also
practiced
and
increased
in
importance
over
time.
Animals
hunted
included
large
game
such
as
bison,
moun-
tain
sheep,
antelope,
deer,
elk,
and

small
game
such
as
bea-
ver,
rabbit,
squirrel,
porcupine,
and
prairie
dog.
Antelope
were
killed
in
communal
drives,
and
bison
(after
Spanish
contact)
were
hunted
on
horseback
and
dispatched
with

bows
and
arrows
and
lances.
Turkey,
grouse,
and
quail
were
also
hunted,
and
fish
were
taken
in
shallow
pools,
with
the
use
of
baited
nooses
and
bows
and
arrows.
Gathered

foods
in-
cluded
juniper
berries,
mesquite
beans,
yucca
fruit,
choke-
cherries,
prickly
pears,
acorns,
and
pifion
nuts.
Cultivation
was
practiced
by
the
Jicarilla
after
the
late
1600s
and
resulted
from

contact
with
the
Pueblo
Indians.
Crops
included
maize,
beans,
squash,
pumpkins,
peas,
and
melons,
which
were
planted
in
plots
along
river
and
stream
banks.
Over
time
agri-
culture
increased
in

importance
and
became
more
sophisti-
cated.
By
the
time
of
the
American
occupation
of
the
Jicarilla
territory
in
the
mid-1800s,
irrigation
dams
and
ditches
were
constructed
and
used
to
supplement

the
region's
scanty
rain-
fall.
Agricultural
tools
included
crude
wooden
plows
and
im-
plements
for
clearing
irrigation
ditches.
Sheep
raising
became
popular
in
the
1920s,
but
was
eclipsed
in
importance

in
the
1950s
by
revenues
from
tribal-owned
oil,
gas,
and
timber
re-
sources.
Since
that
time
nonagricultural
wage
labor
has
in-
creased
with
the
development
of
small
businesses
and
indus-

tries
subsidized
by
the
tribe's
natural
resource
revenues.
Industrial
Arts.
A
chief
Jicarilla
industry
was
basket
mak-
ing,
the
products
of
which
were
an
important
item
of
barter
in
trade

with
other
native
groups.
Some
baskets
were
sealed
with
pitch
and
used
as
water
vessels.
The
Jicarilla
also
made
pot-
tery
and
ceremonial
clay
pipes.
Trade.
Baskets,
meat,
salt,
and

tanned
bison
hides
were
traded
to
Pueblo
Indians
for
maize
and
other
agricultural
products.
The
Indians
of
San
Juan
Pueblo,
from
whom
the
Jicarilla
also
obtained
songbird
feathers,
were
special

trading
partners.
Division
of
Labor.
Men
hunted
and
women
gathered.
In
farming,
men
prepared
the
fields,
worked
the
irrigation
ditches,
and
helped
with
the
harvest,
and
women
were
re.
sponsible

for
planting,
hoeing,
weeding,
and
harvesting.
Jicarilla
173
Land
Tenure.
Local
groups
of
homesteads
maintained
somewhat
ill-defined
territories
or
camping
grounds
associ-
ated
with
some
familiar
geographical
landmark.
In
1891

lands
on
the
Jicarilla
reservations
were
allotted
on
an
individ-
ual
basis.
In
1939
the
allotted
lands
were
returned
to
tribal
ownership.
Kinship
Kin
Groups
and
Descent.
Local
groups
of

extended
fami-
lies
had
a
base
in
marriage
and
blood
ties.
However,
kin
groups
with
economic
or
political
functions
above
the
level
of
the
local
group
did
not
exist.
Kinship

ties
were
reckoned
bilaterally.
Kinship
Terminology.
Jicarilla
kinship
terminology
fol-
lowed
the
Iroquoian
system.
The
father
and
the
father's
brother
were
classed
under
a
single
term,
as
were
the
mother

and
the
mother's
sister.
Parallel
cousins
were
grouped
with
siblings
and
cross
cousins
were
classed
separately.
No
termi-
nological
distinction
was
made
between
maternal
and
pa-
ternal
grandparents
nor
between

male
and
female
grand-
children.
Marriage
and
Family
Marriage.
Young
women
were
eligible
for
marriage
after
reaching
puberty
and
young
men
when
they
proved
them-
selves
capable
of
supporting
a

family.
In
arranging
a
marriage,
the
man
was
required
to
obtain
the
permission
of
the
parents
of
his
prospective
bride,
and
it
was
completed
when
a
dowry
was
offered
and

gifts
were
exchanged.
Marriages
were
usually
monogamous,
though
polygyny
was
practiced
on
a
limited
basis
with
the
sister
or
cousin
of
the
first
wife
as
a
preferred
second
mate.
Postmarital

residence
was
matrilocal.
Divorce
was
common
and
second
marriages
were
allowed.
When
a
spouse
died
the
survivor
could
marry
again
only
after
a
period
of
mourning
and
after
proper
purification

rituals
were
per-
formed.
In
such
cases,
levirate
and
sororate
marriages
were
preferred.
A
widower
was
considered
unlucky
and
could
re-
marry
only
after
a
temporary
union
with
a
woman

whom
he
was
not
permitted
to
wed.
The
temporary
union
lasted
less
than
a
year
and
was
believed
to
bring
the
widower
back
from
his
state
of
ill
fortune.
Domestic

Unit.
The
basic
unit
of
Jicarilla
society
was
the
extended
family
consisting
of
parents,
their
unmarried
chil-
dren,
and
their
married
daughters
and
their
husbands
and
children.
Within
the
extended

family
each
nuclear
family
unit
occupied
a
separate
household.
Among
modem
Jicarilla
the
nuclear
family
has
replaced
the
extended
family
as
the
basic
social
unit.
Inheritance.
Property
was
inherited,
but

not
according
to
any
specific
rules.
Socialization.
Grandparents,
especially
on
the
maternal
side,
played
an
important
role
in
the
training
of
the
young.
Boys'
training
for
hunting
began
in
childhood

when
they
were
taught
the
use
of
the
bow
and
arrow
and
the
techniques
of
trapping,
calling
animals,
and
reading
animal
signs.
At
about
age
twelve
they
were
taken
on

their
first
hunt
and,
if
success-
ful,
were
initiated
into
the
fraternity
of
hunters
and
taught
the
rules
and
rituals
of
successful
hunting.
For
girls,
upon
reaching
puberty
an
adolescent

rite
was
held
in
which
the
ori-
gins
of
the
Jicarilla
and
the
traits
each
woman
should
person-
ify
were
revealed
to
them
in
prayers
and
songs
related
by
eld-

erly
men.
The
purpose
of
the
rite
was
to
ensure
initiates
a
long
and
fruitful
life.
Sociopolitical
Organization
Social
Organization.
The
Jicarilla
were
divided
into
two
bands,
the
Olleros,
or"potters,"

in
the
west,
and
the
Llaneros
or
'plains
people,"
who
ranged
east
of
the
Rio
Grande.
These
two
bands
have
been
referred
to
by
some
authors
as
moieties.
There
were

no
important
cultural
differences
between
the
bands,
and
their
members
intermarried
freely.
Each
band
was
composed
of
several
local
groups,
of
which
there
were
four-
teen
in
the
mid-nineteenth
century,

six
belonging
to
the
Olleros
and
eight
to
the
Llaneros.
Each
local
group,
consist-
ing
of
a
geographical
cluster
of
extended
families
associated
by
ties
of
blood,
marriage,
and
strong

friendship,
formed
a
co-
operative
unit
for
economic
and
ceremonial
activities
for
which
the
individual
extended
family
was
too
small.
Political
Organization.
Political
authority
was
weakly
de-
veloped.
Within
each

local
group
an
influential
elderly
head
of
an
extended
family
usually
acted
as
a
leader,
but
his
au-
thority
was
quite
limited.
Such
leaders
had
no
coercive
power
and
their

position
was
not
inherited.
Above
the
level
of
the
local
group
there
was
no
formal
political
hierarchy,
although
a
few
respected
individuals
such
as
religious
leaders
and
warn-
ors
sometimes

took
responsibility
for
dealing
with
other
na-
tive
groups,
the
Spanish,
and
the
Americans.
This
system
changed
somewhat
during
the
period
of
American
occupa-
tion
when
several
inherited
chieftainships
existed

within
each
of
the
two
bands.
During
the
period
from
1888
to
1896
the
Jicarilla
were
under
the
direct
control
of
the
Bureau
of
Indian
Affairs,
which
shared
some
authority

with
the
native
leaders.
In
1937,
under
the
provisions
of
the
Indian
Reorganization
Act,
the
Jicarillas
adopted
a
tribal
government
consisting
of
an
elected
tribal
council.
Social
Control.
Disputes
over

matters
such
as
land
and
re-
venge
within
and
between
local
groups
were
usually
negoti-
ated
by
local
group
leaders.
Conflict.
In
the
late
1800s
the
Olleros
and
the
Llaneros

opposed
each
other
over
the
location
of
the
Jicarilla
Reserva-
tion.
Once
settled,
they
occupied
separate
areas
of
the
reser-
vation.
The
animosities
stemming
from
this
period
have
per-
sisted

into
the
twentieth
century,
with
the
Olleros
usually
identified
as
progressives
and
the
Llaneros
as
conservatives.
Religion
and
Expressive
Culture
Religious
Beliefs.
The
Jicarilla
held
that
a
strong
tie
ex-

isted
between
themselves
and
the
land
because
all
natural
ob-
jects
and
all
living
things
were
representations
of
the
power
of
their
chief
deity,
Hascin.
Hascin
was
believed
to
have

been
born
of
the
union
of
Black
Sky
and
Earth
Mother,
two
supernaturals
who
lived
in
the
inner
womb
of
the
earth
and
who
had
existed
since
the
beginning
of

time.
In
Jicarilla
my-
thology
Hascin
was
responsible
for
the
creation
of
Ancestral
Man
and
Ancestral
Woman
and
also
for
the
creation
of
the
animals
and
the
sun
and
moon.

Sun
and
Moon
were
consid-
ered
important
supernaturals.
According
to
their
mythology
the
Jicarilla
were
the
sole
descendants
of
the
first
people
to
emerge
from
the
underworld,
the
abode
of

Ancestral
Man
174
Jicarilla
and
Ancestral
Woman
who
produced
the
first
people.
Ani-
mals
were
revered
and
entreated
by
the
Jicarilla
with
special
ceremonies
prior
to
hunting
because
it
was

believed
they
were
descended
from
the
first
animals
who
had
used
their
powers
to
facilitate
the
emergence
of
the
first
people
from
the
under-
world.
In
the
1970s
approximately
70

percent
of
Jicarillas
continued
to
hold
to
their
traditional
religious
beliefs.
Religious
Practitioners.
The
Jicarilla
believed
that
at
birth
a
child
might
receive
a
special
power
from
an
animal,
a

celestial
body,
or
some
natural
phenomenon.
In
later
years
this
power
would
appear
to
the
select
individual
who
then
had
to
decide
whether
to
accept
the
power
and
become
a

sha-
man.
If
the
person
accepted
it,
he
or
she
underwent
a
test
of
courage
and
then
a
period
of
training
under
the
guidance
of
an
experienced
shaman
during
which

prayers,
songs,
and
ritu-
als
were
learned.
The
shaman's
power
could
be
either
good
or
evil
and
was
believed
to
be
a
finite
resource,
the
effectiveness
of
which
diminished
with

too
frequent
use.
Ceremonies.
Jicarilla
religious
ceremonies
were
of
two
types,
personal
or
shamanistic
ceremonies
and
long-life
cere-
monies.
Shamanistic
ceremonies
included
curing
and
divin-
ing
rituals
that
required
the

shaman's
special
power.
Long-life
ceremonies
did
not
require
such
special
personal
power.
One
of
the
most
important
long-life
ceremonies
was
the
annual
autumn
Relay
Race
that
pitted
the
young
men

of
the
Ollero
and
Llanero
bands
against
one
another.
The
purpose
of
the
race
was
to
ensure
an
abundant
food
supply
during
the
com-
ing
year.
Participants
were
painted
and

decorated
with
feath-
ers
and
yucca
leaves
according
to
their
band
affiliation
and
raced
on
an
east-west-oriented
course.
If
the
Olleros
won
the
race,
it
was
believed
that
plant
foods

would
be
abundant;
if
the
Llaneros,
animal
foods.
In
the
1930s
long-life
ceremonies
enjoyed
much
popularity
among
the
Jicarilla,
and
in
the
1970s
the
Relay
Race
was
still
active
and

supported
by
the
tri-
bal
council.
Arts.
Ground
drawings
were
an
integral
part
of
the
Relay
Race
ceremony.
On
the
evening
preceding
the
race
each
band
selected
a
leader
who,

with
his
assistants,"painted"
colorful
drawings
in
the
ground
with
pollen
and
colored
materials.
The
drawings
usually
included
the
images
of
the
sun
and
moon
and
two
fast
birds.
The
evening

also
included
a
good
deal
of
singing,
with
the
bands
competing
with
one
another
and
singing
songs
to
the
race
participants.
Medicine.
The
Jicarilla
attributed
a
variety
of
sicknesses
and

ailments
afflicting
children
to
contact
with
birds
and
other
animals.
For
example,
the
shadow
of
a
turkey
vulture
flying
overhead
could
make
a
child
sick
and
die.
Contact
with
eagles

or
the
tracks
of
snakes
and
bears
could
give
a
child
rheumatism.
Contact
with
menstrual
blood
could
also
cause
rheumatism.
Some
sicknesses
were
believed
to
be
caused
by
ghosts.
Ghost

sickness
was
marked
by
nervousness,
hysteria,
and
derangement.
Curing
ceremonies
were
of
both
the
shamanistic
and
the
long-life
type.
One
of
the
most
impor-
tant
long-life
ceremonies,
the
Holiness
Rite,

was
a
curing
cer-
emony.
Held
three
days
prior
to
the
appearance
of
a
full
moon,
this
ceremony
was
conducted
inside
a
tipi
within
a
brush
enclosure.
Patients
were
confined

to
the
tipi
and
were
the
object
of
extended
periods
of
singing
by
shamans
for
three
successive
nights.
On
the
fourth
night
sacred
clowns
entered
the
tipi
and
participated
in

the
cure
with
special
prayers.
On
the
morning
of
the
fifth
day
the
patients
and
participants
re-
ceived
a
blessing
within
the
tipi
and
then
exited
the
tipi
and
the

brush
enclosure
to
the
east
where
they
"deposited"
their
ailments
on
a
tree
especially
prepared
by
a
medicine
man.
At
the
conclusion
of
the
ceremony
all
returned
to
the
brush

en-
closure
without
looking
back
and
had
their
faces
painted
by
a
shaman.
Death
and
Afterlife.
The
Jicarilla
believed
that
in
the
process
of
dying
an
individual's
ghost
or
spirit

was
conducted
northward
to
the
edge
of
the
earth
where
it
was
offered
fruit.
If
the
ghost
refused
the
offer,
it
returned
to
its
physical
body
and
life,
but
if

it
accepted,
it
slid
down
into
the
afterworld
and
death
occurred.
Upon
death
close
relatives
of
the
deceased
went
into
mourning
and one
or
two
relatives
prepared
the
corpse.
Burial
took

place
during
the
daytime
as
soon
after
death
as
possible.
Some
personal
possessions
were
buried
with
the
deceased,
and
the
person's
horse
was
killed
at
grave
side.
The
burial
party

returned
from
the
grave
site
by
a
route
different
from
that
by
which
it
had
come,
being
careful
not
to
look
back
and
refraining
from
discussing
the
location
of
the

grave
with
others
when
they
returned.
The
burial
party
then
discarded
their
clothes
and
washed
themselves
thoroughly.
These
elaborate
precautions
by
the
burial
party
were
followed
in
order
to
avoid

the
vengeful,
evil
nature
of
the
ghost
of
the
deceased.
The
Jicarilla
believed
that
the
evil
of
ghosts
was
the
result
of
the
accumulation
of
its
frustrations,
conflicts,
and
disappointments

while
living
and
that
ghosts
could
return to
the
living
to
avenge
some
past
injury.
Ghosts
were
believed
to
visit
the
living
in
the
form
of
coyotes,
which
were
considered
an

omen
of
one's
own
death
or
the
death
of
a
close
relative.
Bibliography
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A.
(1974).
The
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De
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Opler,
Morris
(1936).
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Summary
of
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Apache
Cul-
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Morris
(1971)."Jicarilla
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Territory,
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GERALD
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REID