Encyclopedia of World Cultures Volume 2 - Oceania - R ppsx

Rapa
273
a
foreign
land.
Treatment
involved
communication
through
a
seer
with
one
or
more
gods
who
would
indicate
the
cause
and
treatment
for
the
malady.
Pukapukans
had
(and
still
prac-

tice)
a
number
of
folk
remedies
and
physical
therapy
tech-
niques,
most
prominent
being
deep-pressure
massage.
Death
and
Afterlife.
Today
Pukapukans
mostly
follow
Christian
doctrine
regarding
life
after
death
though,

as
noted,
a
belief
in
ghosts
also
exists.
Prior
to
missionization,
the
Beagleholes
report
a
belief
existed
that
a
person
died
when
the
soul
permanently
left
the
individual's
body.
The

soul
then
journeyed
to
the
underworld
(po)
where
it
took
up
residence
enjoying
various
pleasures
denied
it
in
the
upper
world.
See
also
Cook
Islands,
Manihiki
BibNiography
Beaglehole,
Ernest,
and

Pearl
Beaglehole
(1938).
Ethnology
of
Pukapuka.
Bernice
P.
Bishop
Museum
Bulletin
no.
150.
Honolulu.
Borofsky,
Robert
(1987).
Making
History:
Pukapukan
and
Anthropological
Constructions
of
Knowledge.
Cambridge:
Cambridge
University
Press.
Frisbie,

Robert
(1930).
The
Book
of
Pukapuka.
New
York:
Century.
Hecht,
Julia
(1977).
"The
Culture
of
Gender
in
Pukapuka:
Male,
Female,
and
the
Mayakitanga
'Sacred
Maid.'"
Journal
of
the
Polynesian
Society

86:183-206.
Hecht,
Julia
(1981).
"The
Cultural
Context
of
Siblingship
in
Pukapuka."
In
Siblingship
in
Oceania,
edited
by
Mac
Marshall,
53-77.
Landham,
Md.:
University
Press
of
America.
ROBERT
BOROFSKY
Rapa
ETHNONYMS:

Austral
Islands,
Oparo,
Rapa-Iti,
Tubuai
Archipelago
Orientation
Identification.
Rapa
is
the
southernmost
island
in
the
Austral
Archipelago.
Its
name
is
often
given
as
'Rapa-Iti"
("Little
Rapa")
to
distinguish
it
from

the
distant
Easter
Is-
land,
which
is
commonly
known
as
'Rapa-Nui"
("Big
Rapa").
On
Rapa
itself,
however,
'Rapa-Iti"
refers
to
a
small
islet
off
the
east
coast
of
the
main

island.
Early
European
visitors
fre-
quently
identified
the
island
as
'Oparo,"
but
the
source
of
that
name
is
not
clear.
Location.
The
Austral
Islands,
occasionally
known
also
as
the
Tubuai

Archipelago,
straddle
the
Tropic
of
Capricorn
in
the
South
Pacific.
They
form
part
of
French
Polynesia
and
lie
to
the
south
of
the
Society
Islands
and
east
of
the
Cook

Is-
lands.
The
four
islands
in
the
group
in
addition
to
Rapa
are
Rimatara,
Rurutu,
Tubuai,
and
Ra'ivavae.
With
coordinates
of
27°37'
S,
144°20'
W,
Rapa
is
located
some
420

kilometers
south-southwest
of
Tahiti
and
180
kilometers
southeast
of
Ra'ivavae,
its
nearest
inhabited
neighbor.
Rapa
is
a
small
is-
land
of
some
39
square
kilometers.
It
is
a
high
island,

the
cone
of
a
long-extinct
volcano.
The
highest
of
the
peaks
ex-
ceeds
600
meters.
The
east
side
of
the
cone
has
been
breached
by
the
sea
so
that
the

island
has
the
form
of
a
large
bay
(the
volcanic
crater)
encircled
by
a
ring
of
mountains.
The
coast
is
indented
by
several
bays,
each
watered
by
one
or
more

streams.
High
mountain
ridges
between
the
bays,
often
meeting
the
sea
in
precipitous
cliffs,
make
inland
travel
diffi-
cult.
Skies
are
often
overcast
and
rainfall
is
abundant
(slightly
over
254

centimeters
annually).
Rapa
becomes
noticeably
chilly
in
the
winter
months
and
average
monthly
tempera.
tures
range
from
17'
C
in
August
to
240
C
in
February.
Demography.
When
first
sighted

by
Europeans
in
1791,
Rapa
reportedly
had
1,500-2,000
inhabitants,
but
largely
be-
cause
of
introduced
diseases
the
population
declined
to a
low
point
of
only
120
in
1867.
In
1964
Rapans

numbered
only
360,
and
recent
estimates
indicate
only
400
speakers
of
the
Rapa
language.
Linguistic
Affiliation.
Rapa
is
grouped
with
numerous
others,
including
Tahitian,
Tongareva,
and
Cook
Islands
Maori,
in

the
Eastern
Polynesian
Subcluster
of
the
Nuclear
Polynesian
Subgroup
of
Austronesian
languages,
though
it
has
virtually
disappeared
as
a
distinct
language.
Tahitian
is
currently
spoken
on
Rapa
as
it
is

in
most
parts
of
French
Polynesia.
History
and
Cultural
Relations
The
first
settlement
of
Rapa
has
been
estimated
at
about
AD.
950
from
genealogical
evidence,
and
the
earliest
radiocarbon
date

from
the
island
is
A.D.
1,337,
plus
or
minus
200
years.
The
first
European
to
visit
the
islands
was
George
Vancouver,
in
1791.
At
that
time
the
population
lived
in

fortified
moun-
tain
villages.
Remains
of
at
least
fifteen
of
these
still
promi-
nently
mark
Rapa's
landscape;
they
are
among
the
largest
handmade
structures
in
ancient
Polynesia.
Apparently
popu-
274

Rapa
nation
pressure
forced
the
construction
of
these
mountain
vil-
lages
to
free
scarce
arable
land
for
cultivation
and
for
security
in
a
time
of
frequent
warfare.
The
prospect
of

the
Panama
Canal
stirred
the
interest
of
Britain
and
France
in
the
1860s
and
again
in
the
1880s,
for
Rapa
was
ideally
located
on
the
route
between
Panama
and
Australia

and
New
Zealand.
The
British
established
a
coaling
station
on
Rapa
in
late
1867
and
it
served
monthly
steamers
until
it
was
abandoned
in
early
1869.
Meanwhile
Rapa's
strategic
location

moved
the
French
to
establish
political
power
over
the
island.
Rapa
was
made
a
French
protectorate
in
1867
and
became
a
French
possession
twenty
years
later.
The
interest
in
Rapa

as
a
coaling
station
was
sporadic
and
short-lived
and
the
island
slipped
into
inter-
national
insignificance.
As
late
as
1964
three
months
might
pass
without
a
visit
from
the
outside.

In
that
year,
however,
a
weather
station
was
established
on
Rapa
and
this
gave
the
is-
land
some
importance
in
the
context
of
the
French
nuclear
weapons
testing
program.
Settlements

Sometime
prior
to
1830
internal
warfare
ceased,
probably
be-
cause
massive
depopulation
ended
the
keen
competition
for
arable
land,
and
the
people
abandoned
the
fortified
moun-
tain
villages
in
favor

of
lowland
villages
on
the
various
bays,
which
offered
easier
access
to
the
sea
and
to
cultivation
areas.
With
further
depopulation
villages
in
the
outer
bays
were
gradually
abandoned
and

the
village
of
Ha'urei
became
Rapa's
major
population
center.
In
1964
Rapa's
population
resided
in
two
villages
located
on
opposite
sides
of
Ha'urei
Bay
(the
large,
central
bay,
crater
of

the
ancient
volcano).
Economy
Subsistence
and
Commercial
Activities.
For
the
most
part,
Rapans
support
themselves
by
farming
and
fishing.
Taro
(Colocasia
esculenta)
is
the
staple,
and
is
eaten
at
every

meal.
It
is
grown
in
irrigated
terraces
located
in
level
areas
adjacent
to
the
village
of
Ha'urei,
at
the
head
of
Ha'urei
Bay,
and
on
the
outer
bays.
Rapans
sometimes

reach
their
taro
terraces
on
the
outer
bays
on
foot,
but
the
rugged
terrain
makes
this
diffi-
cult
and
they
often
travel
by
water
in
locally
made
canoes
or
whaleboats.

These
vessels
are
also
used
for
fishing,
which
is
done
with
spear
guns
or
hooks
and
lines
in
the
bays
and
(in
whaleboats
only)
offshore.
Oranges
and
watermelons
are
grown

for
local
consumption.
The
main
cash
crop
is
coffee,
although
in
1964
potatoes
were
introduced
for
export
to
Ta-
hiti.
Some
pigs
are
tethered
on
the
outskirts
of
the
villages,

and
goats,
cattle,
and
a
few
sheep
roam
unattended
in
the
hills.
Goats
are
eaten
when
inclement
weather
prevents
fish.
ing;
pork
and
beef
are
served
at
special
feasts.
Occasionally

some
goats
or
cattle
are
captured
and
shipped
to
Tahiti
for
sale.
Goats
are
owned
privately,
but
cattle
belong
to
the
Co-
operative
Society,
an
organization
of
shareholders
that
also

oversees
coffee
exports
and
operates
a
small
store
on
the
island.
Industrial
Arts.
Rapan
men
make
wicker
baskets
in
many
sizes
and
often
fanciful
shapes.
Some
are
used
locally,
but

the
more
elaborate
ones
are
made
for
export
to
Tahiti
or
for
sale
to
passengers
on
ocean
liners
that
pass
close
enough
to
the
is-
land
for
whaleboats
to
go

out
to
them.
Some
of
the
locally
made
whaleboats-graceful,
narrow,
and
highly
seaworthy-
are
themselves
works
of
high
artisanry.
Division
of
Labor.
Men
are
charged
with
boat
construc-
tion,
most

aspects
of
house
construction,
and
fishing
from
boats
and
canoes.
Women
gather
shellfish
from
the
shore,
prepare
food,
do
laundry,
and
take
care
of
small
children.
Both
sexes
pick
coffee

and
engage
in
taro
cultivation,
al-
though
the
men
build
and
maintain
the
irrigation
ditches
and
turn
the
soil
in
a
terrace
prior
to
flooding.
Labor
is
divided
at
least

as
significantly
by
age
as
by
sex.
The
heaviest
work
(boat
rowing,
turning
soil,
carrying
heavy
bags
of
harvested
taro)
is
done
by
youths
and
young
adults.
After
about
the

age
of
40,
people
begin
to
leave
these
jobs
to
younger
members
of
the
household.
Land
Tenure.
Essential
to
the
Rapan
system
of
land
ten-
ure
is
the
proposition
that

improvements
(gardens,
groves
of
trees,
and
houses)
may
be
and
usually
are
owned
separately
from
the
land
on
which
they
are
located.
Both
territory
and
improvements
are
owned
by
ramages,

known
as
'opu.
Kinship
Kin
Groups
and
Descent.
The
modem
ramage
or
'opu
is
a
nonexclusive
cognatic
descent
group;
that
is,
it
is
composed
of
all
legitimate
descendants
of
its

founder,
counted
through
both
male
and
female
links.
So
far
as
territory
is
concerned,
ramage
founders
were
individuals
to
whom
land
was
awarded
in
a
general
land
distribution
in
1889.

Founders
of
improve-
ment-owning
ramages
are
individuals
who
create
the
im-
provement:
who
make
the
taro
terraces,
build
the
houses,
or
plant
the
coffee
groves.
Depending
on
the
activity
of

the
founder,
then,
the
ramage
composed
of
his
or
her
descen-
dants
may
own
one
or
more
parcels
of
territory,
taro
terraces,
coffee
groves,
houses,
or
any
combination
of
these.

The
prop-
erty
of
a
ramage
may
be
widely
dispersed
over
the
island.
Be-
cause
ramage
membership
passes
through
both
males
and
females,
the
various
ramages
overlap
in
membership.
Mem-

bership
in
some
is
counted
through
one's
father,
and
others
through
one's
mother.
Most
Rapans
belong
to
eight
to
ten
(or
more)
damages.
A
ramage
has
no
function
beyond
the

ownership
of
property.
Its
limited
affairs
are
handled
by
a
manager,
who
is
usually
the
senior
male
of
the
group.
Kinship
Terminology.
Kin
terms
are
of
the
Hawaiian
or
generational

type,
with
terms
that
mark
the
relative
age
of
same-sex
siblings
and
cousins.
Marriage
and
Family
Marriage.
Marriage
is
monogamous.
Rapans
express
a
slight
preference
for
virilocality,
but
in
actuality

virilocal
and
uxorilocal
residence
occur
with
equal
frequency.
Cohabiting
couples
are
often
reluctant
to
marry
formally,
as
this
is
a
sign
that
they
are
shifting
from
the
carefree
life
of

youth
to
the
sober
responsibilities
of
adulthood.
The
decision
to
marry
is
frequently
made
upon
the
application
of
pressure
by
lay
offi-
cials
of
the
church.
Divorce
is
rare.
Should

a
spouse
die,
the
preferred
remarriage
is
with
the
brother
or
sister
of
the
decedent.
Domestic
Unit.
Households
range
from
2
to
15
members,
with
an
average
of
6.7.
Rapans

express
a
preference
for
ex-
tended
family
households
because
of
greater
sociability
and
economic
efficiency.
Largely
because
of
interpersonal
ten-
sions
that
develop
between
constituent
families
in
extended
family
households,

however,
the
majority
of
households
on
the
island
consist
of
an
elementary
family.
To
improve
their
economic
efficiency
and
enhance
sociability,
many
elemen-
tary
family
households
have
formed
themselves
into

work
groups,
each
of
which
is
composed
of
four
to
five
households.
One
or
two
individuals
from
each
household
participate
in
the
group,
and
the
group
as
a
whole
works

on
a
rotating
schedule,
devoting
a
day
to
each
of
its
member
households
in
turn.
Some
work
groups
are
composed
of
neighboring
house-
holds
regardless
of
kin
ties
between
them,

while
others
are
based
on
kinship.
Inheritance.
Property
passes
from
both
parents
to
all
chil-
dren.
Some
gardens
may
be
willed
to
individual
children
or
foster
children,
but
the
usual

pattern
is
to
leave
property
jointly
to
children
according
to
the
rules
of
descent.
Socialization.
Children
are
raised
by
their
own
or
foster
parents.
In
fosterage,
a
child
ideally
acquires

the
obligation
to
support
his
or
her
foster
parents
in
their
old
age.
The
strength
of
this
obligation
depends
on
how
much
of
a
person's
chid-~
hood
was
actually
spent

in
the
foster
parents'
home.
From
the
age
of
4
or
5
children
make
their
own
decisions
as
to
where
they
will
live,
and
often
they
move
between
the
homes

of
their
biological
and
foster
parents.
In
any
event,
a
person's
legal
status
and
inheritance
rights
continue
to
be
reckoned
through
the
biological
parents.
Couples
with
few
or
no
bio-

logical
offspring
usually
foster
children
of
their
more
prolific
close
relatives.
Sociopolitical
Organization
Social
Organization.
Class
distinctions
are
not
visible
in
Rapan
society.
Some
persons
are
more
active
in
church,

polit-
ical,
and
other
affairs
than
are
others,
but
such
involvement
depends
upon
individual
leadership
qualities.
Voluntary
asso-
ciations
are
organized
along
village
lines.
Both
villages
have
funeral
clubs,
which

manage
the
feast
and
other
practical
matters
connected
with
the
funeral
at
the
death
of
someone
from
a
member
household,
and
youth
clubs,
which
form
soc-
cer
teams,
organize
entertainment

for
the
14
July
Bastille
Day
celebration,
and
undertake
other
projects
for
the
benefit
of
the
village.
Political
Organization.
In
1964,
the
Austral
Islands
formed
one
of
the
five
administrative

divisions
of
French
Pol-
ynesia.
Local
government
on
Rapa
at
that
time
was
vested
in
a
district
council,
consisting
of
seven
members
elected
at
large
for
five-year
terms.
After
their

election
the
new
council
selected
from
its
number
a
chief
and
assistant
chief.
The
dis-
trict
council
had
relatively
little
power,
and
the
role
of
chief
was
largely
ceremonial,
but

it
was
coveted
nonetheless
for
its
salary.
In
recent
years
the
government
has
been
reorganized
in
French
Polynesia,
giving
the
territory
more
internal
auton-
omy
from
France
and
increasing
the

power
of
local
councils.
Social
Control.
In
1964
Rapa
fell
under
the
jurisdiction
of
a
French
gendarme
stationed
on
Ra'iavae,
some
180
kilome-
ters
to
the
north.
Since
then,
one

Rapan
has
held
the
position
of
local
police
officer.
Social
control
is
provided
for
the
most
part,
however,
by
the
church.
Nearly
all
Rapans
are
affiliated
with
the
Protestant
church,

and
one
of
the
primary
responsi-
bilities
of
the
elected
deacons
and
their
wives
is
to
visit
and
Rapa
2
75
admonish
those
whose
behavior
is
not
satisfactory.
Rapans
believe,

furthermore,
than
one
should
not
take
communion
while
harboring
ill
will
toward
others,
so
they
often
make
ef-
forts
to
resolve
their
disputes
prior
to
the
communion
service
on
the

first
Sunday
of
every
month.
Finally,
in
this
small
soci-
ety
there
are
few
secrets
and
a
good
measure
of
social
control
is
achieved
by
gossip
or
the
fear
of

it.
Conflict.
Disputes
occasionally
erupt
over
accusations
of
petty
theft,
hostilities
between
stepparents
and
stepchildren,
or
the
location
of
boundaries
between
coffee
groves.
These
seldom
go
beyond
shouting
matches,
which

usually
take
place
around
mealtimes
when
many
people
are
in
the
village
and
which
invariably
and
instantly
draw
large
crowds.
More
per-
manent
factionalism
exists
between
the
two
villages
and

be-
tween
vaguely
defined
and
shifting
groups
of
families.
Issues
at
stake
usually
involve
the
distribution
of
benefits
received
from
the
French
government.
The
head
schoolteacher,
an
of-
ficial
appointed

from
Tahiti
and
the
individual
with
whom
visiting
officials
interact
most
frequently,
is
a
center
of
fac-
tionalism
for
she
is
in
a
good
position
to
steer
government
jobs
and

other
benefits
toward
those
Rapans
who
get
along
with
her
and
away
from
those
who
do
not.
The
pastor,
proba-
bly
the
most
powerful
person
on
the
island,
may
also

become
a
center
of
dissension
if
it
is
sensed
that
he
does
not
treat
his
parishioners
equally.
Factionalism
is
fueled
by
a
contradic-
tion
in
the
Rapan
value
system.
Those

who
have
nothing
spe-
cial
to
expect
from
an
individual
in
a
public
position
trumpet
the
ideal
that
such
a
person
is
bound
to
act
in
the
interests
of
all,

while
relatives
and
others
with
special
ties
to
him
or
her
operate
under
the
expectation
that
a
person's
first
obligations
are
to
kin
and
allies.
Both
of
these
values
are

honored
in
Rapa,
and
anyone
in
a
position
of
authority
finds
it
difficult
to
walk
a
line
between
them.
Religion
and
Expressive
Culture
Religous
Beliefs.
Rapa
was
converted
to
Protestant

Christianity
soon
after
the
arrival
in
1826
of
Tahitian
teach-
ers
representing
the
London
Missionary
Society.
With
the
ex-
ception
of
a
few
Roman
Catholics,
the
entire
population
of
Rapa.

is
Protestant.
In
addition
to
Biblical
supernaturals,
most
Rapans
believe
in
the
existence
of
ghosts,
normally
of
persons
who
have
died
relatively
recently,
called
tupapa'u.
They
may
cause
sickness
among

the
living,
either
out
of
anger
or
from
a
powerful
desire
to
draw
a
dearly
beloved
spouse
or
child
to
them.
If
other
means
fail,
a
tupapa'u
can
be
stopped

by
exhuming
and
destroying
the
corpse,
a
practice
probably
encouraged
by
Dracula
films,
which
are
very
popular
in
Tahiti.
Religiouis
Practitioners.
One
pastor
(a
Rapan
who
was
elected
as
a

young
man
by
the
church
members
and
sent
to
Tahiti
for
seminary
thinking)
divides
his
Sundays
between
the
two
villages.
In
addition
to
the
pastor,
a
chief
deacon
serves
both

villages,
and
each
village
has
two
deacons
and
an
assis-
tant
deacon.
To
the
assistant
deacon
falls
the
tasks
of
ringing
the
church
bell
and
prowling
the
aisle
during
services

with
a
long
bamboo
pole
to
prod
dozing
parishioners.
All
of
these
officials
are
elected
by
the
communicant
members,
who
es-
sentially
are
the
married
adults.
Ceremonies.
Physically,
the
church

in
each
village
con-
sists
of
a
church
proper,
a
meetinghouse,
and
an
eating
1.
276
Rapa
house.
The
church
is
immensely
important
in
Rapan
society,
with
no
fewer
than

eleven
church
functions
each
week.
Al-
though
scarcely
anyone
attends
all
of
these
events,
one
can
easily
appreciate
the
joking
remark
made
by
one
man
that
'in
Rapa,
we
spend

more
time
discussing
the
Bible
than
cultivat-
ing
taro!"
Medicine.
Some
illnesses
are
thought
to
be
caused
by
ghosts,
but
most
are
attributed
to
natural
causes.
Rapans
af.
firm
a

hot-cold
system
of
illness,
whereby
an
upset
of
the
bod-
y's
proper
temperature
equilibrium
brings
on
disease.
Medi-
cines
are
herbal
and
each
one
is
accompanied
by
a
special
massage.

Medicines
are
private
property,
and
nearly
every
adult
woman
on
the
island
owns
one
or
more
of
them.
Thus
instead
of
a
few
practitioners
who
treat
many
different
sorts
of

illness,
the
Rapan
system
of
medicine
has
a
great
many
practitioners,
each
of
whom
specializes
in
one
or
a
few
disor-
ders.
Although
others
may
know
the
herbal
recipe
for

a
cer-
tain
medicine,
it
is
ineffective
unless
applied
by,
or
with
the
express
permission
of,
its
owner.
No
charge
is
ever
assessed
for
administering
medicines,
but
patients
do
reciprocate

with
gifts.
Medicines
originate
in
dreams.
Someone
is
sick,
no
treatment
is
effective,
and
then
a
woman
of
the
household
sees,
in
a
dream,
her
deceased
mother
or
grandmother
prepar-

ing
and
administering
a
hitherto
unknown
medical
concoc-
tion
of
various
leaves,
water,
etc.
Upon
awakening,
the
woman
prepares
the
medicine
just
as
she
dreamed
it.
She
gives
it
to

the
patient,
who
rapidly
recovers.
The
woman
who
dreamed
it
is
the
owner
of
the
new
medicine,
and
others
with
the
same
symptoms
come
to
her
to
be
cured.
When

she
gets
old
she
gives
the
medicine,
and
others
she
may
have
dreamed
or
inherited,
to
individual
heirs-usually
her
daughters-and
thus
medicines
pass
through
the
generations.
Death
and
Afterlife.
The

deceased
are
thought
to
enter
the
Christian
heaven.
A
funeral
service
and
burial
is
followed
by
a
large
feast.
People
congregate
at
the
house
of
the
de-
ceased
for
several

evenings
after
the
funeral
for
Bible
discus-
sion
and
hymn
singing,
to
support
the
surviving
loved
ones,
and
to
reintegrate
them
gently
into
society.
See
also
Raroia,
Tahiti
Bibliography
Caillot,

A C.
Eugene
(1932).
Histoire
de
Mile
Oparo
or
Rapa.
Paris:
Leroux.
Hanson,
F.
Allan
(1970).
Rapan
Lifeways:
Society
and
History
on
a
Polynesian
Island.
Boston:
Little,
Brown.
Reprint.
1983.
Prospect

Heights,
Ill.:
Waveland
Press.
Hanson,
F.
Allan,
and
Patrick
O'Reilly
(1973).
Bibliographie
de
Rapa.
Paris:
Socie't
des
Ocianistes.
F.
ALLAN
HANSON
Raroia
ETHNONYMS:
Dangerous
Islands,
Paumotu,
Poumot,
Tuamotu
Raroia
is

an
atoll
in
the
Tuamotu-Gambier
Archipelago
in
Polynesia.
The
archipelago
consists
of
seventy-eight
atolls
located
between
1350
and
149°
W
and
14°
and
23°
S.
Raroia
is
located
at
about

142"
W
and
16"
S.
As
are
all
the
atolls
ex-
cept
Makatea,
Raroia
is
a
low
atoll
with
a
land
area
of
21
square
kilometers
and
a
lagoon
of

240
square
kilometers.
The
land
is
mostly
sand
and
gravel.
There
are
30
species
of
plants
and
19
species
of
birds
indigenous
to
the
atoll
and
numerous
fish
and
shellfish

in
the
lagoon
and
sea.
The
western
atolls
were
settled
by
people
migrating
east
from
Tahiti,
the
other
atolls
by
people
from
the
Marquesas
and
Mangareva.
Since
the
time
of

first
settlement
there
has
been
regular
contact
with
Tahiti.
The
population
of
the
Tuamotus
was
6,588
in
1863
and
it
subsequently
decreased
by
nearly
a
third
until
it
began
increasing

in
the
1920s.
In
1987,
the
number
of
people
claiming
Tuamotu
identity
was
estimated
at
14,400,
with
about
7,000
in
the
Tuamotus
and
a
sizable
population
in
Ta-
hiti.
In

1897,
Raroians
numbered
260,
by
1926
the
popula-
tion
had
decreased
to
60,
and
then
it
slowly
increased
to
120
by
1950.
First
contact
with
Europeans
was
in
1606,
which

was
fol-
lowed
by
only
occasional
contact
with
explorers
and
traders
from
various
European
nations
for
the
next
two
hundred
years
or
so.
From
1817
to
1945
the
Tuamotus
were

under
the
control
of
Tahiti,
with
Tahitian
influence
greatest
in
the
western
atolls.
However,
by
the
end
of
the
period,
Tahitian
influence
had
reached
the
eastern
atolls
and
Raroians
were

involved
in
the
mother-of-pearl
trade
network.
In
1845
the
Tuamotus
came
under
French
control
and
offical
French
rule
began
in
1880.
Roman
Catholic
missionaries
entered
the
atolls
in
the
1860s

and
the
population
was
quickly
converted
to
Catholicism.
Prior
to
European
contact,
Raroia
was
politically
linked
to
the
neighboring
atoll
of
Tukume.
Atoll
land
was
divided
into
districts
with
the

land
owned
by
a
combination
of
line-
ally
and
laterally
extended
kin
groups.
Descent
was
bilateral,
with
Hawaiian-type
cousin
terms.
Leadership
rested
with
ex-
tended
household
heads,
with
the
head

of
one
household
serving
as
the
atoll
leader
and
the
ruler
of
Tahiti
serving
as
the
head
chief
of
the
Tuamotus.
The
subsistence
economy
was
based
on
fishing
in
the

lagoon
and
sea
and
the
gathering
of
shellfish,
supplemented
by
pandanus
nuts
and
taro.
Raro-
ians
were
skilled
canoe
builders
and
sailors.
The
traditional
religion
focused
on
various
gods,
spirits,

ghosts,
and
associ-
ated
cults.
Contact
with
traders,
French
officials,
and
missionaries
for
more
than
100
years
effectively
destroyed
the
traditional
culture
and
replaced
it
with
a
Western economic
and
social

system.
The
subsistence
economy
has
been
replaced
by
a
cash
economy,
with
the
collection
of
pearls
and
pearl
shells
and
copra production
being
the
primary
economic
pursuits
atvar-
ious
times.
Both

activities
have
now
declined
in
importance
as
sources
of
income.
Tourism
is
now
a
major
source
of
in-
come
on
some
atolls,
though
not
on
Raroia.
Leadership
now
rests
with

elected
representatives,
the
wealthy,
and
missionar-
Rossel
Island
277
ies.
Families
are
now
smaller
and
nuclear
in
form,
with
an
em-
phasis
on
individual
ownership
of
property.
About
98
percent

of
Raroians
are
now
Roman
Catholics.
See
also
Mangareva,
Rapa,
Tahiti
Bibliography
Danielsson,
Bengt
(1956).
Work
and
Life
on
Raroia.
London:
George
Allen
&
Unwin.
Emory,
Kenneth
P.
(1975).
Material

Culture
of
the
Tuamotu
Archipelago.
Honolulu:
Bernice
P.
Bishop
Museum.
Rennell
Island
ETHNONYMS:
Mugaba,
Munggava,
Rennellese
Both
Rennell
and
its
twin
island
Bellona
(Munggiki)
are
Polynesian
outliers
in
the
central

Solomon
Islands.
Rennell
is
a
raised
coral
atoll,
with
a
large
lake
in
its
southeastern
end,
located
between
11°34'
and
11°47'
S
and
159°54'
and
160°37'
E.
In
1976
there

were
1,945
inhabitants
of
Rennell
Island.
Rennellese
is
part
of
the
West
Polynesian
Group
of
Austronesian
languages.
Rennellese
settlements
tend
not
to
be
nucleated
into
villages
but
rather
are
scattered

throughout
the
island.
They
consist
of
one
or
more
dwellings
and
a
cook
house
around
an
open
clearing
off
the
main
path.
Food
is
obtained
mainly
through
horticulture
and
fih-

ing,
supplemented
by
hunting
and
collecting.
Yams,
taro,
and
bananas
are
very
important
cultigens.
The
coconut
is
tremen-
dously
important
as
a
source
of
food
and
raw
material.
Vari-
ous

birds,
flying
foxes,
and
sharks
are
also
eaten.
In
general,
women
cook,
garden,
collect
fruits
and
herbs,
fish
inshore,
plait,
make
nets,
and
take
care
of
the
children.
Men
do

the
heavy
gardening,
hunt,
fish,
make
tapa
and
sennit,
and
are
re-
sponsible
for
wood
carving,
canoe
making,
and
house
build-
ing.
Elaborate
feasts effect
the
distribution
of
agricultural,
sea,
and

forest
products
among
the
descent
groups.
Land
is
held
individually
by
the
men
of
a
lineage.
The
profession
of
expert
carpenter
(mataisau)
is
a
highly
respected
one.
Important
kin
groups

include
clans,
subclans,
and
patri-
lineages.
The
Rennellese
view
marriage
as
a
means
of
creating
alliances
(hepotu'akinga)
and
as
a
way
to
continue
a
man's
lineage.
One's
mother's
brother's
daughter

is
the
preferred
mate,
and
this
tradition
leads
at
times
to
conflict
between
parents
and
child
in
the
choice
of
spouse.
Polygyny
was
tradi
tionally
approved
but
was
not
very

common.
Residence
is
nearly
always
patrilocal,
although
after
a
divorce
a
woman
re-
turns
with
her
infant
children
to
her
father.
The
core
of
the
domestic
unit
(manaha)
is
a

nuclear
family,
often
supple-
mented
with
various
relatives,
both
natural
and
adopted.
The
kakai'anga
was
the
largest
politically
integrated
unit.
Primary
authority
was
vested
in
the
landholding
males
and
in

the
senior
men
of
senior
lineages
in
each
generation.
In
addi-
tion
to'
these
leaders
Rennell
had
a
paramount
chief
(angiki)
who
was
descended
from
the
leader
of
the
first

immigrants.
The
angiki
could
communicate
with
and
influence
the
gods
during
trances.
He
was
also
the
judicial
authority
and
could
have
criminals
beaten
or
put
to
death
or
have
their

crops
de-
stroyed.
In
spite
of
the
overwhelming
patrilineal
emphasis
of
Rennellese
society,
a
person
maintains
close
ties
with
the
members
of
his
or
her
matriline
as
well.
Rennellese
religion

had
little
to
say
about
eschatology
or
cosmology;
its
major
concern
was
life
and
the
fertility
of
hu-
mans
and
of
the
plants
and
animals
they
depended
on.
Today,
nearly

all
of
the
people
are
Christians.
All
adult
males
officiated
at
the
various
rituals,
which
were
directed
by
priest-
chiefs
(tunihenua).
The
most
important
rituals
were
associ-
ated
with
the

harvest
and
distribution
of
yams.
Mediums
pos-
sessed
by
supernatural
forces
could
convey
the
latter's
messages
and
wishes.
Each
kakai'anga
had
its
own
set
of
an-
cestors,
who
were
worshiped

as
gods.
In
addition,
there
were
two
high
gods:
Tehainga'atna,
the
fierce
god
of
nature;
and
Tehu'aigabenga,
the
god
of
culture,
society,
and
cultivated
plants.
Bibliography
Birket-Smith,
Kaj
(1956).
An

Ethnological
Sketch
of
Rennell
Island:
A
Polynesian
Outlier
in
Melanesia.
Det
Kongelige
Danske
Videnskabernes
Selskab,
Historiskfilologiske
Medde-
lelser
Bind
35,
no.3.
Copenhagen:
Danish
Natural
Museum.
Birket-Smith,
Kaj
(1966).
Language
and

Culture
of
Rennell
and
Bellona
Islands.
Copenhagen:
Danish
Natural
Museum.
Rossel
Island
ETHNONYMS:
Duba,
Rova,
Yela
Orientation
Identification.
The
Rossel
Islanders
live
on
the
eastern-
most
island
of
the
Louisiade

Archipelago
in
the
Massim
cul-
ture
region
(Milne
Bay
Province)
at
the
east
end
of
New
Guinea.
They
speak
"Yelatnye,"
meaning
"language
of
Yela,"
and
their
name
for
themselves
is

'Yelatpi,"
meaning
"Rossel
people."
Locaon.
Rossel
Island
is
located
at
about
1°
S
and
154°
E.
The
island
is
34
kilometers
long
and
14
kilometers
across,
being
approximately
290
square

kilometers
in
area.
It
is
very
mountainous,
with
the
highest
peak,
Mount
Rossel
(also
known
locally
as
"Mbgo7,
reaching
800
meters.
The
coast
is
highly
indented
and
mainly
fringed
by

mangrove
swamp.
The
island
is
covered
in
tropical
rain
forest.
It
is
surrounded
by
a
coral
reef
extending
12
kilometers
east
and
40
kilometers
west
of
the
island
forming
two

lagoons.
The
distance
from
Rossel
to
the
nearest
westward
island
of
Sudest
(Vanatinai)
is
33
kilometers.
The
trade
wind
blows
from
the
southeast
from
278
Rossel
Island
May
to
October,

the
more
irregular
northwest
monsoon
from
January
to
March,
both
bringing
rain.
Demography.
In
1979
the
population
of
Rossel
Island
was
about
3,000
persons,
with
800
being
away
from
the

island
working
or
studying.
The
population
density
averages
8
per-
sons
per
square
kilometer
and
the
population
is
growing
at
the
rate
of
3
percent
per
year.
Before
1950
it

was
declining.
Linguistic
Affiliation.
Yelatnye
is
a
Non-Austronesian
language
whose
affiliation
to
other
'Papuan"
languages
of
New
Guinea
and
Melanesian
islands
has
not
yet
been
estab-
lished.
Rossel
Islanders
are

the
only
people
in
the
region
who
speak
a
Non-Austronesian
language.
The
number
of
cog-
nates
with
the
language
of
the
nearest
island,
Sudest,
is
only
6
percent.
Yelatnye
has

a
very
complex
phonology
and
grammar
and
is
regarded
as
extremely
difficult
by
outsiders.
History
and
Cultural
Relations
The
Rossel
Islanders
probably
represent
the
last
remnants
of
an
original
population

of
the
region,
which
on
the
other
is-
lands
has
been
superseded
by,
probably,
several
waves
of
Aus-
tronesian-speaking
immigrants.
In
one
of
these
pottery,
de-
rived
from
the
Lapita

culture,
spread
through
the
Massim
about
2,000
B.P.
It
is
probable
that
a
stratified
social
system
was
introduced
at
the
same
time,
linking
island
populations
to
political
centers.
Although
Rossel

preserved
its
Non-
Austronesian
language,
the
culture
is
much
affected
by
its
Austronesian
neighbors.
The
first
historical
contact
gave
Rossel
an
ill
repute:
316
Chinese
coolies,
bound
for
Aus-
tralia,

were
reported
massacred
and
eaten
after
a
shipwreck
in
1858.
Rossel
became
a
part
of
the
British
(later
Australian)
protectorate
of
Papua
in
1884.
During
the
next
decades
the
island

was
'pacified"
by
government
patrols.
In
1903
an
en-
terprising
family
of
traders
established
a
plantation
that
be-
came
the
economic
center
of
the
island
for
the
next
fifty
years

and
deeply
transformed
the
socioeconomic
relations
of
the
people.
Rossel
is
now
more
involved
in
the
cash
economy
than
its
nearest
neighbors
to
the
west.
The
plantation
is
now
worked

by
local
people.
Missions
were
established
starting
in
1930;
the
first
was
the
Methodist
(now
United
Church)
mis-
sion,
followed
in
1947
by
the
Catholic.
Now,
roughly
the
western
half

of
the
island
is
United
Church,
while
the
eastern
half
is
Catholic.
Settlements
Earlier
the
settlement
pattern
was
one
of
hamlets
scattered
along
the
coast
and
in
the
interior.
A

census
in
1919
showed
145
villages
with
an
average
of
ten
inhabitants.
During
World
War
11
the
population
was
concentrated
in
about
10
villages
on
the
coast.
Most
of
these

settlements
broke
up
into
hamlets
or
hamlet
clusters
after
the
war,
but
people
did
not
return
to
the
interior.
Although
there
is
no
standard
site
plan,
hamlets
often
feature
a

carefully
weeded
square
or
street
surrounded
by
living
houses
and
with
one
or
two
stone
sitting
circles,
common
in
the
southern
Massim.
In
'traditional'
hamlets,
a
seclusion
house
for
menstruating

and
postpartum
women
is
built
behind
the
house
line.
Hamlets
are
surrounded
by
ba-
nana
trees,
coconut
palms,
and
other
fruit
trees.
Early
house
types
included
a
barrel-roofed
ground
house

and
a
pile
house
entered
through
a
trapdoor
in
the
floor.
Today,
living
houses
are
regularly
built
on
posts
with
a
roof
of
sago-palm
leaves
and
walls
of
sago-leaf
sheaths.

Cooking
takes
place
under
the
house
or
on
a
clay
hearth
on
the
kitchen
floor.
Economy
Subsistence
and
Commercial
Activities.
Basic
subsis-
tence
is
by
swidden
horticulture,
gardens
being
used

for
two
or
more
plantings
and
left
fallow
or,
near
the
coast,
being
often
used
for
small
coconut
plantations.
Crops
are
tubers
such
as
taro,
yams,
sweet
potatoes,
and
cassava,

as
well
as
ba-
nanas
and
sugarcane.
Sago
flour
is
prepared
from
the
pith
of
the
sago
palm.
Tree
crops
are
coconuts
and
breadfruit.
Wild
nuts
and
fruits
are
collected,

as
well
as
shellfish.
Feral
pigs
and
opossums
are
hunted
and
fish
are
caught
by
line,
spear,
or
net
or
by
means
of
dams.
A
plant
poison
is
also
sometimes

used
for
fishing.
Cooking
methods
include
boiling
with
cream
of
coconut,
roasting
in
embers,
and
baking
in
hot
stones.
Commercial
crops
are
mainly
coconut
(for
copra)
and
some
coffee.
Other

important
sources
of
cash
income
are
the
manufacture
of
shell
necklaces
and
labor
migration.
Industrial
Arts.
Rossel
is
well
known
for
its
high-quality
red-shell
necklaces
made
from
the
mollusk
Chama,

which
is
common
in
the
lagoon
along
the
western
half
of
the
island.
This
traditional
craft
was
expanded
and
managed
by
the
trad
ers
in
the
early
decades
of
this

century.
Imported
grinding
blocks
are
now
used.
The
necklaces
are
of
the
type
that
move
in
the kula
ring.
The
islanders
build
their
own
houses,
canoes,
and
dinghies.
A
few
larger

boats
have
been
built
during
recent
years.
Basketwork,
made
by
women,
is
of
high
quality.
Trade.
The
dominant
trade
store
is
run
by
the
Catholic
mission
but
small
stores
are

found
in
many
hamlets.
Other-
wise
there
is
no
market
on
Rossel.
Through
a
traditional
visit-
ing
trade
with
Sudest
Rossel
exported
shell
necklaces
and
im-
ported
clay
pots,
pigs,

and
stone
axes.
This
trade
connection
is
now
much
weakened.
Internal
noncommercial
exchanges
by
means
of
a
complex
system
of
shell
valuables-the
famous
'Rossel
Island
money"-are
important
and
include
payments

for
pigs,
houses,
canoes,
garden
crops,
and
some
forms
of
labor
service.
There
are
two
kinds
of
shell
money.
Ndap
are
flat
pieces
of
Spondylus,
ki
are
sets
of
10

disks
of
Chama
on
a
string.
Both
are
ranked
into
many
classes.
Higher-ranking
ndap
are
rare
treasures
believed
to
have
been
made
by
deities
and,
like
kula
shells,
individually
named.

They
are
now
out
of
open
circulation
and
change
ownership
through
inheritance.
K1
and
low-ranking
ndap
still
circulate
and
are
still
made.
Women
own
shell
money
and
participate
in
exchange

but
they
rarely
sponsor
payments.
Exchange
rules
are
very
com-
plex.
Wallace
Armstrong,
who
first
described
this
monetary
system,
explained
it
by
supposing
lending
at
compound
inter-
est.
This
interpretation

was
based
on
misunderstandings
of
the
operation
of
the
system.
Other
valuables
are
ceremonial
stone
axes
and
shell
necklaces.
Cash
now
enters
into
some
payments.
Division
of
Labor.
The
main

division
of
labor
is
by
sex.
Men
fell
large
trees
for
gardens,
build
houses
and
canoes,
hunt,
and
fish;
women
collect
most
shellfish
and
dominate
in
domestic
tasks,
such
as

cooking
and
child
care.
Both
sexes
plant,
weed,
and
harvest
crops.
They
combine
work
in
sago
preparation.
Land
Tenure.
With
a
fairly
small
population
land
pressure
is
slight.
The
tenure

practices
are
flexible
and
disputes
over
Rossel
Island
279
land
infrequent.
Areas
of
land
are
associated
with
matrilineal
subclans,
but
stewards
of
land
often
belong
to
different
clans.
Use
rights

are
frequently
based
on
descent
from
bilateral
grandparents.
Mortuary
payments
of
traditional
valuables
from
the
deceased's
spouse's
relatives
to
the
deceased's
rela-
tives
confirm
such
land
rights.
Kinship
Kin
Groups

and
Descent.
There
are
some
fifteen
totemic,
matrilineal,
and
dispersed
clans
(pit).
Subclans
(piighi)
share
exogamy
with
one
or
more
linked
subclans
of
different
clans.
The
members
of
subclans
do

not
all
reside
in
the
same
area
but
there
are
local
subclan
sections.
A
more
loose
cognatic
category
(yo)
denotes
the
bilateral
descendants
of
an
ances-
tor
or
the
bilateral

kindred
of
a
person.
Kinship
Terminology.
The
terminology
system
is
classifi-
catory
and
of
the
Crow
type,
with
alternate-generation
termi-
nology
in
one's
own
(male
speaking)
and
one's
father's
line

(both
sexes
speaking).
Marriage
and
Family
Marriage.
Marriage
within
most
clans,
between
one's
own
and
linked
subclans,
between
children
of
men
of
the
above
categories,
and
between
first
cousins
is

proscribed.
Marriage
with
a
classificatory
mother's
brother's
daughter
is
discour-
aged
while
marriage
with
a
classificatory
father's
sister
or
fa-
ther's
sister's
daughter
is
preferred.
Actually,
only
46
percent
of

a
small
sample
had
actually
married
according
to
this
pref-
erence.
There
is
a
tendency
toward
local
endogamy.
Many
marriages
are
still
arranged
by
elderly
relatives.
A
consider-
able
bride-wealth

is
paid
in
shell
money,
no
cash
being
al-
lowed.
Due
to
mission
pressure
polygynous
marriages
are
now
infrequent.
Residence
is
predominantly
patrivirilocal.
Di-
vorce
is
rare.
Domestic
Unit.
The

nuclear
family
is
the
primary
domes-
tic
unit
(the
people
who
pool
food
resources
and
eat
to-
gether),
with
the
addition
of
occasional
unmarried
young
or
old
enfeebled
relatives.
This

unit
conducts
daily
food
produc-
tion
but
is
assisted
by
bilateral
kin
and
affines
for
larger
tasks
such
as
forest
clearing
or
house
building.
Inheritance.
The
main
significant
property
is

fruit
trees
and
ceremonial
stone
and
shell
valuables.
Sons
tend
to
in-
herit
from
their
fathers
and
daughters
from
their
mothers.
The
person
who
takes
main
responsibility
for
taking
care

of
a
close
relative
in
old
age
receives
the
major
share.
Socialization.
Infants
and
children
are
raised
by
members
of
the
domestic
unit
and
by
grandparents
and
other
elderly
relatives.

Socialization
practice
varies
between
families.
Gen-
erally
sharing
and
cooperation
is
emphasized
and,
although
self-assertion
is
discouraged,
autonomy
of
the
individual
is
valued.
Sociopolitical
Organization
Rossel
Island
is
part
of

Papua
New
Guinea,
a
sovereign
state
in
the
British
Commonwealth.
Rossel
elects
one
member
to
the
Provincial
Assembly
of
the
Milne
Bay
Province.
With
the
East
Calvados
chain
and
Sudest

Rossel
forms
the
Yelayamba
Local
Government
Council
and
elects
seven
of
the
sixteen
councillors.
Social
Organization.
There
is
no
descent
group
rank
on
Rossel.
Inequality
is
manifested
in
the
greater

influence
and
prestige
of
elders
in
relation
to
the
young
and
men
in
relation
to
women.
A
"financial
aristocracy"
of
exchange
experts
and
owners
of
high-rank
shell
money
form
the

dominating
stra-
tum
of
the
population.
Political
Organization.
The
island
is
divided
into
ten
cen-
sus
"villages"
that,
in
combinations,
elect
the
seven
local
gov-
ernment
councillors.
A
lower-lever
functionary

is
the
komiti.
Precolonial
leaders
were
warriors,
ritual
experts,
and
powerful
big-men.
The
last
category
had
attached
henchmen
and
con-
trolled
high-rank
shell
money
used
in
payments
for
cannibal
victims.

Pacification
and
mission
influence
weakened
the
power
of
indigenous
leaders
but
elderly
males
with
financial
expertise
still
command
some
local
influence.
Councillors
are
younger
men
with
outside
experience
and
language

ability.
The
government
provides
primary-school
education,
a
hospi-
tal,
medical
aid
posts,
and
other
services,
such
as
an
airstrip,
a
minor
wharf,
and
water-supply
facilities.
Social
Control
and
Conflict.
Pacification

and
mission
in-
fluence
have
produced
a
very
peaceful
society
on
Rossel
Is-
land.
Conflicts
and
disputes
are
remarkably
rare.
A
major
de-
terrent
from
offending
others
is
fear
of

sorcery
retaliation.
Dominance
over
the
young
is
supported
by
the
control
of
the
elders
of
supernatural
knowledge
and
of
the
intricate
system
of
exchange
of
indigenous
valuables.
While
villagers
attempt

to
settle
minor
offenses
informally,
major
delicts
are
prose-
cuted
by
the
government,
represented
on
the
island
by
a
pa-
trol
post.
Religion
and
Expressive
Culture
Religious
Beliefs.
The
religious

system
is
a
combination
of
Christianity
and
traditional
beliefs.
Although
two
Christian
denominations
(United
Church
and
Catholic)
divide
the
is-
land,
the
relations
between
them
are
harmonious.
The
island-
ers

have
adopted
Christianity
as
a
means
of
acquiring
a
link
to
forces
of
the
greater
world,
spiritually
as
well
as in
terms
of
health-care,
education,
and
cash
opportunities.
The
govern-
ment

has
taken
over
hospitals
and
schools,
but
these
services
are
still
located
at
the
missions.
Apart
from
Christian
beliefs
the
islanders
still
hold
beliefs
in
local
supernatural
beings
and
ways

of
communicating
with
them
by
means
of
incantation
and
sacrifice.
Deities
(woyili)
are
believed
to
have
lived
on
the
island
before,
when
they
brought
or
created
natural
and
cul-
tural

features
such
as
landscape
forms,
food
plants,
sorcery,
etc.
Some
are
regarded
as
ancestors
of
subclans.
Later
they
disappeared
into
the
underworld
(teme)
at
the
sacred
places.
They
may
appear

as
snakes,
crocodiles,
or
dugongs.
Arm-
strong's
report
of
a
hierarchy
of
gods
cannot
be
supported.
The
power
of
the
deities
can
cause
blessings,
such
as
crop
fer-
tility,
or

misfortune,
such
as
sickness.
Each
sacred
place
is
as-
sociated
with
only
one
or
two
effects.
Formerly,
they
were
avoided,
except
by
the
knowledgeable
custodians.
Now
some
have
fallen
into

disuse
and
are
not
respected
any
more.
Other
supernaturals
were
ogres
(podyem),
with
white
slin
and
long
hair,
and
gnomes
(k5mba)
living
in
hollow
trees.
They
are
rarely,
if
ever,

reported
now.
Religious
Practitioners.
Christian
practitioners
are
United
Church
pastors-largely
from
neighboring
islands-
and
Catholic
catechists.
Some
men,
who
have
inherited
280
Rossel
Island
spells
and
ritual
knowledge
associated
with

sacred
places
(yopo),
still
perform
rites
there.
Because
of
mission
aversion
such
practices
tend
to
be
secret.
Ceremonies.
The
guardians
of
sacred
places
are
supposed
to
keep
them
clean
and

at
certain
times
of
the
year,
or
when
needed,
perform
rites
such
as
libations
and
reciting
of
spells
in
the
presence
of
other
men.
Other
ceremonies
connected
to
the
deities

are
nocturnal
singing
of
sacred
songs
(ndam5).
This
worship
is
a
male
cult.
Women
have
won
a
legitimate
place
in
religious
worship
only
with
Christianity.
Arts.
Traditional
Rossel
carving
style,

for
example
on
canoes
and
lime
spatulas,
is
plain,
usually
nonfigurative,
and
symmetric.
It
has
largely
been
supplanted
by
the
Massim
style
characterized
by
the
use
of
spirals
and
scrolls.

A
num-
ber
of
types
of
baskets
are
woven,
from
large
food
containers
to
fine
baskets
for
shell
money.
There
are
no
traditional
mu-
sical
instruments
but
drumming
on
canoe

hulls
may
take
place
in
connection
with
the
singing
of
ndam5.
There
are
several
types
of
traditional
dance
and
song
performances.
The
most
common
is
the
tpilove,
in
which
men

appear
in
dancing
skirts.
Medicine.
Illness
is
traditionally
mainly
attributed
to
sor-
cery
and
infringement
of
sacred
places.
Curing
practices
in-
clude
countermagic,
sacrifices
at
sacred
places,
traditional
medicines,
and

healing.
Death
and
Afterlife.
Burial
takes
place
in
an
L-shaped
grave,
usually
in
a
common
cemetery
for
a
number
of
hamlets.
Formerly,
the
body
was
placed
in
a
shallow
grave

in
the
house
and
later
exhumed.
The
skull
was
exposed
in
the
hamlet
and
later
deposited
in
a
shelter
in
the
bush.
At
the
death
of
an
im-
portant
person

in-laws
were
usually
accused
of
sorcery
and
had
to
atone
by
supplying
a
cannibal
victim
for
a
special
feast
(kann3).
Now,
a
week
after
the
death
the
mortuary
feast
(kpakpa)

is
held.
Here,
the
burial
services
are
rewarded
and
donations
of
traditional
valuables
are
presented
to
various
categories
of
relatives
of
the
deceased.
When
the
spirit
(gh&tmi)
leaves
the
body

at
death
it
travels
to
Yeme,
the
mountain
of
the
dead,
at
the
western
end
of
Rossel.
Accord-
ing
to
another
belief
the
dead
go
to
the
underworld.
Formerly,
the

spirits
of
victims
of
cannibalism
were
believed
to
go
to
Tpi,
a
mountain
on
the
south
side
of
Rossel.
Ordinary
ghosts
(mbwe)
are
not
greatly
feared,
unlike
the
ghosts
of

cannibal
victims.
In
contrast
to
beliefs
in
Sudest,
in
Rossel
culture
the
dead
are
not
supposed
to
interfere
much
in
the
life
of
the
living.
Bibliography
Armstrong,
Wallace
E.
(1928).

Rossel
Island:
An
Ethnological
Study.
Cambridge:
Cambridge
University
Press.
Liep,
John
(1983).
'Ranked
Exchange
in
Yela
(Rossel
Is-
land)."
In
The
Kula:
New
Perspectives
on
Massim
Exchange,
edited
by
J.

W.
Leach
and
E.
Leach,
503-525.
Cambridge:
Cambridge
University
Press.
Liep,
John
(1983).
"This
Civilising
Influence':
The
Colonial
Transformation
of
Rossel
Island
Society."
The
Journal
of
Pa-
cific
History
18:113-131.

Liep,
John
(1989).
'The
Day
of
Reckoning
on
Rossel
Island."
In
Death
and
Life
Rituals
in
the
Societies
of
the
Kula
Ring,
ed-
ited
by
F.
Damon
and
R.
Wagner,

230-253.
DeKalb:
North-
ern
Illinois
University
Press.
JOHN
LIEP
Rotuma
ETHNONYMS:
none
Orientation
Identificatio.
Rotuma
lies
approximately
480
kilometers
north
of
Fiji,
on
the
western
fringe
of
Polynesia.
The
island

is
very
near
the
intersection
of
the
conventional
boundaries
of
Micronesia,
Melanesia,
and
Polynesia,
and
traces
of
influence
from
each
of
these
areas
can
be
found
in
the
physical
compo-

sition,
language,
and
culture
of
the
island's
inhabitants.
Al-
though
Rotuma
has
been
politically
associated
with
Fiji
since
1881,
when
the
chiefs
ceded
the
island
to
Great
Britain,
the
Rotuman

people
are
unique,
forming
a
distinctive
enclave
within
the
Republic.
Location.
Rotuma
is
located
at
12°30'
S
and
177°40'
E.
The
island
is
of
volcanic
origin,
with
the
highest
craters

rising
to
heights
of
260
meters.
It is
divided
into
two
main
parts
joined
by
an
isthmus
of
sand,
forming
a
total
configuration
about
13
kilometers
long
and,
at
its
widest,

nearly
5
kilome-
ters
wide.
The
land
area
is
approximately
44
square
kilome-
ters.
April
through
November
the
prevailing
winds
are
from
east
to
south,
December
through
March
from
north

to
west.
Rainfall
averages
about
350
centimeters
per
year.
Demography.
The
first
census
of
Rotuma
was
taken
in
1881,
the
year
of
its
cession to
Great
Britain.
The
population
was
reported

as
2,452.
Following
a
devastating
measles
epi-
demic
in
1911,
it
declined
to
under
2,000,
then
began
to
in-
crease
gradually.
As
the
total
approached
3,000
in
the
late
1930s,

out-migration
to
Fiji
became
an
important
means
of
alleviating
population
pressure.
According
to
Fiji
census
rec-
ords,
in
1936
91.3
percent
of
Rotumans
were
living
on
their
home
island.
By

1956
the
percentage
had
decreased
to
67.7
percent,
and
by
1976
it
had
declined
to
37.1
percent.
In
re-
cent
years
out-migration
has
accelerated,
not
only
to
Fiji
but
to

New
Zealand,
Australia,
and
the
United
States.
As
a
re-
sult,
the
population
of
the
island
has
declined
to
around
2,500,
representing
less
than
25
percent
of
the
total
number

of
Rotumans.
linguistic
Affiliation.
Linguistic
evidence
suggests
that
Rotuman
belongs
in
a
subgrouping
(Central
Pacific)
that
in-
cludes
Fijian
and
the
Polynesian
languages;
within
this
group
there
appears
to
be

a
special
relationship
between
Rotuman
and
the
languages
of
western
Fiji.
The
vocabulary
shows
a
considerable
degree
of
borrowing
from
Tongan
and
Samoan.
Rotuma
281
History
and
Cultural
Relations
Until

the
archaeology
of
Rotuma
is
done,
the
origins
of
its
population
will
remain
clouded.
There
is,
however,
solid
evi-
dence
that
migrations
from
Samoa
and
Tonga
occurred
after
initial
settlement,

and
other
data
suggest
Rotumans
were
in
contact
with
Tuvalu
(Ellice
Islands)
to
the
north,
Kiribati
(Gilbert
Islands)
to
the
northwest,
Futuna
and
Uvea
to
the
east,
and
Fiji
to

the
south.
The
first
recorded
European
con-
tact
was
in
1791
with
Captain
Edwards
in
H.M.S.
Pandora,
while
he
was
searching
for
the
mutineers
of
the
Bounty.
The
first
half

of
the
nineteenth
century
was
a
time
of
increasing
contact,
as
Rotuma
became
a
favorite
place
for
whalers
to
re-
plenish
their
provisions.
A
substantial
number
of
sailors
jumped
ship

there,
and
the
beachcomber
population
was
esti-
mated
at
times
to
be
more
than
100.
In
addition
to
whalers
were
labor
recruiters,
who
found
Rotumans
quite
willing
to
sign
on.

By
the
mid-nineteenth
century
many
Rotuman
men
had
been
abroad,
and
some
had
visited
the
centers
of
Euro-
pean
civilization
before
returning
home.
In
the
1860s
Euro-
pean
missionaries
from

the
Wesleyan
and
Roman
Catholic
churches
established
themselves
on
Rotuma,
and
the
island
was
divided
between
them.
Antagonisms
between
converts
to
each
faith
mounted
until
1878,
when
they
culminated
in

a
war
won
by
the
numerically
superior
Wesleyans.
The
unrest
that
followed
led
the
chiefs
of
Rotuma's
seven
districts
to
pe-
tition
Queen
Victoria
for
annexation,
and
in
1881
the

island
was
officially
ceded
to
Great
Britain.
Rotuma
was
governed
as
part
of the
Colony
of
Fiji
until
1970,
when
Fiji
gained
its
in-
dependence.
Since
then
it
has
been
an

integral
part
of
that
is-
land
nation.
Settlements
A
packed-sand
road
encircles
the
perimeter
of
the
eastern
part
of
the
island
and
extends
to
the
northern
and
southern
sides
ofthe

western
part.
Since
colonial
times,
at
least,
almost
all
settlement
has
been
on
the
coastal
areas
along
this
road.
Although
the
island
is
divided
into
districts
and
the
districts
into

villages,
settlement
along
the
road
is
nearly
continuous,
and
it
is
often
difficult
to
determine
boundaries.
In
recent
years
bush
paths
have
been
widened,
and
though
still
quite
rough,
they

make
it
possible
to
traverse
the
interior
of
the
is-
land
by
motor
vehicle.
Traditional
Rotuman
houses
were
made
of
thatch,
but
over
time
limestone,
cut
lumber,
and
cor-
rugated

iron
replaced
much
of
the
thatching.
In
1972
Hurri-
cane
Bebe
destroyed
most
of
the
remaining
native-style
houses.
A
relief
team
from
New
Zealand
organized
the
con-
struction
of
over

300
cement
and
iron
structures.
Most
households
also
maintain
a
thatched
cooking
house,
and
some
have
separate
toilets
and
wash
houses.
There
are
no
freshwater
streams
on
Rotuma,
and
until

recently
rainwater
stored
in
cement
or
iron
tanks
was
the
main
source
of
water
for
drinking
and
bathing.
During
the
1970s,
however,
a
fresh-
water
underground
lens
was
tapped
and

now
most
house-
holds
have
access
to
piped
water.
Income
from
salaries
and
remittances
are
often
used
to
improve
houses,
and
a
number
of
two-story
structures
have
been
built
over

the
past
few
years.
Economy
Subsistence
and
Commercial
Activities.
The
vast
major-
ity
of
households
in
Rotuma
maintain
gardens
that
supply
their
staples
(taro,
yams,
tapioca,
breadfruit,
and
bananas).
Pineapples,

papayas,
mangoes,
watermelons,
and
oranges
are
also
grown
in
abundance
to
supplement
the
diet.
Soil
type
varies
from
sandy
to
loam,
and
the
soil
is
quite
deep.
While
the
entire

island
is
exceptionally
fertile,
the
eastern
side
is
covered
with
stones
and
boulders,
making
it
more
difficult
to
work.
The
main
implements
in
gardening
are
the
bush
knife,
for
clearing

land,
and
the
dibble
stick,
which
is
used
to
make
holes
in
the
earth
for
planting
root
crops.
Rotation
of
crops
is
the
common
pattern;
typically
yams
are
planted
the

first
sea-
son,
followed
by
taro
and
then
by
tapioca
and
banana
trees.
Although
only
a
few
men
engage
in
deep-sea
fishing,
the
fringing reef
that
surrounds
the
island
is
widely

exploited
for
a
variety
of
fish,
octopuses,
crustaceans,
and
edible
seaweed.
Chicken,
canned
corned
beef,
and
canned
mackerel
supple-
ment
the
daily
diet,
while
cattle,
goats,
and
pigs
are
consumed

on
special
occasions
such
as
weddings,
funerals,
and
welcom-
ing
ceremonies.
The
main
export
product
is
copra.
It
is
mar-
keted
by
the
Rotuma
Cooperative
Association,
which
domi-
nates
the

commercial
life
of
the
island.
Industrial
Arts.
The
main
Rotuman
handicrafts
are
pan-
danus
mats
and
baskets.
Mats,
particularly
fine
white
ones,
are
central
to
Rotuman
ceremonies,
and
they
were

tradition-
ally
considered
to
be
the
main
form
of
wealth.
Canoe
making
still
occurs
on
a
small
scale,
but
aside
from
foods
made
in
two
bakeries,
Rotumans
do
not
produce

any
goods
for
commer-
cial
markets.
Trade.
An
airstrip
was
opened
on
Rotuma
in
1981,
but
few
goods
are
transported
by
air.
Shipping
by
sea
is
irregular,
aggravating
the
problem

of
Rotuma's
isolation
from
potential
markets.
This
isolation
has
especially
inhibited
the
develop-
ment
of
agricultural
exports.
Rotuman
oranges,
for
example,
are
famous
for
their
quality
and
are
extremely
abundant,

but
as
yet
they
have
not
been
commercially
exploited
because
of
difficulties
with
storage
and
transportation.
Division
of
Labor.
In
general,
Rotumans
follow
the
gen-
eral
Polynesian
pattern
of
women's

work
being
close
to
home
while
men's
labor
takes
them
farther
afield.
Women
are
ex-
clusively
responsible
for
mat
making,
and
they
take
major
re-
sponsibility
for
child
care,
washing

clothes,
cleaning
the
household
compound,
and
the
preparation
and
serving
of
family
meals.
They
also
harvest
marine
resources
on
the
reef.
Men
take
primary
responsibility
for
gardening,
animal
hus-
bandry,

cooking
in
earthen
ovens,
and
house
construction.
The
division
of
labor
is
not
rigid,
however,
and
couples
gener-
ally
help
each
other
when
required.
land
Tenure.
Land
is
important
to

Rotumans
for
its
sym-
bolic
significance
as
well
as
for
its
subsistence
value.
The
main
landholding
unit
is
the
kainaga,
a
bilateral
group
based
upon
common
descent
from
ancestors
who

resided
at,
and
held
rights
in,
a
named
house
site
(fuaq
ri).
Each
person
is
considered
to
have
rights
in
the
fuaq
ri
of
his
eight
great-
grandparents,
although
typically

rights
are
exercised
selec-
tively.
Associated
with
each
fuaq
ri
are
sections
of
bush
land,
and
membership
in
a
given
kainaga
entitles
one
to
rights
in
this
land.
The
person

who
lives
on
the
fuaq
ri
acts
as
steward
of
the
land
and
controls
access.
He,
or
she,
is
obligated
to
grant
usufructuary
rights
to
kainaga
members
for
any
reason-

able
request.
At
times
land
has
been
sold
or
given
for
services
to
specific
individuals,
but
over
generations
it
becomes
282
Rotuma
kainaga
land
again.
When
the
population
of
the

island
ap-
proached
its
highest
levels,
during
the
1950s
and
1960s,
land
disputes
intensified
and
access
was
generally
restricted
to
dose
relatives.
In
recent
years,
however,
out-migration
has
re-
lieved

tensions
and
the
main
problem
now
is
often
to
deter-
mine
which
of
a
set
of
siblings
will
remain
behind
to
steward
the
land
and
care
for
aging
parents.
Kinship

Kin
Groups
and
Descent.
Descent
is
bilateral.
The
term
kainaga,
in
its
most
general
sense,
denotes
common
member-
ship
in
a
class.
It
is
used
to
describe
animal
and
plant

species
as
well
as
human
kinship,
and
it
applies
to
personal
kin
who
function
during
life-crisis
ceremonies
(e.g.,
the
bride's
rela-
tives),
as
well
as
to
descent-based
landholding
units
(see

sec-
tion
on
land
tenure).
Kinship
Terminology.
Kin
terms
are
essentially
of
the
Hawaiian
type.
Within
ego's
generation,
cross-sex
siblings
are
distinguished
from
those
of
the
same
sex.
Marriage
and

Family
Marriage.
Traditionally,
Rotuman
marriages
were
ar-
ranged
by
parents,
although
generally
with
the
prior
consent
of
the
partners.
Public
courtship
displays
were
frowned
upon,
so
liaisons
had
to
be

formed
surreptitiously.
Courtship
rules
have
been
relaxed
in
recent
years,
but
a
strong
concern
re-
mains
for
the
decorum
of
unmarried
youths.
Marriages
with
second
cousins
are
allowed.
Postmarital
residence

with
the
wife's
family
is
preferred,
although
movement
between
hus-
band's
and
wife's
natal
homes
is
common
over
the
span
of
a
lifetime.
Marriages
are
quite
stable;
the
great
majority

are
ter-
minated
only
by
the
death
of
a
spouse.
Divorce
is
under
the
jurisdiction
of
Fijian
courts,
which
are
modeled
on
British
law.
Property
is
rarely
involved,
and
young

children
are
dis-
tributed
by
mutual
agreement.
Domestic
Unit.
Households
are
defined
in
terms
of
shar-
ing
a
common
hearth
and
eating
together.
Household
size
has
declined
in
response
to

out-migration,
from
an
average
of
about
7.5
in
1960
to
about
4.5
in
1988.
Most
consist
of
a
nu-
clear
family,
extended
by
relatives
of
either
the
husband
or
wife.

Children
are
often
left
with
grandparents
when
married
couples
emigrate,
so
three-
and
four-generation
households
are
common.
Since
maintaining
a
household
requires
the
labor
of
both
men
and
women,
single

persons
are
often
in-
vited
to
become
de
facto
members
of
a
neighbor's
household.
Inheritance.
Each
surviving
child
inherits
an
equal
share
in
rights
over
family
landholdings,
although
traditionally
the

senior
male
is
favored
in
succession
to
stewardship.
Today,
however,
it
is
often
one
of
the
younger
siblings
who
remains
behind
to
look
after
the
family
estate
while
elder
siblings

emigrate.
Socialiation.
Infants
and
children
are
cared
for
by
both
parents,
by
grandparents,
and
by
elder
siblings.
Physical
pun-
ishment
is
rare,
and
children's
autonomy
is
respected.
Chil-
dren
circulate

freely
between
households
in
the
vicinity
of
their
household,
and
they
are
never
excluded
from
adult-
centered
events.
Value
emphases
are
placed
on
sharing,
coop-
eration,
and
respecting
the
autonomy

of
others.
Sociopolitical
Organization
Rotuma
was
governed
as
an
integral
part
of
the
Colony
of
Fiji
after
cession
to
Great
Britain in
1881.
Following
Fiji's
inde-
pendence
in
1970
and
the

military
coups
of
1987,
Rotuma
re-
mained
with
Fiji.
Social
Organization.
Rotuma
is
divided
into
seven
auton-
omous
districts,
each
with
its
own
headman
(gagaj
'es
itu'u).
The
districts
are

divided
into
subgroupings
of
households
(ho'aga)
that
function
as
work
groups
under
the
leadership
of
a
subchief
(gagaj
'es
ho'aga).
All
district
headmen
and
the
majority
of
ho'aga
headmen
are

titled.
In
addition,
some
men
hold
titles
without
headship,
although
they
are
expected
to
exercise
leadership
roles
in
support
of
the
district
headman.
Titles,
which
are
held
for
life,
belong

to
specified
house
sites
(fuaq
ri).
All
the
descendents
of
previous
occupants
of
a
fuaq
ri
have
a
right
to
participate
in
the
selection
of
successors
to
titles.
On
formal

occasions
titled
men
and
dignitaries
such
as
ministers
and
priests,
government
officials,
and
distinguished
visitors
occupy
a
place
of
honor.
They
are
ceremonially
served
food
from
special
baskets
and
kava.

In the
daily
routine
of
vil-
lage
life,
however,
they
are
not
especially
privileged.
As
yet
no
significant
class
distinctions
based
on
wealth
or
control
of
re-
sources
have
emerged,
but

investments
in
elaborate
housing
and
motor
vehicles
by
a
few
families
have
led
to
visible
differ-
ences
in
standard
of
living.
Political
Organization.
At
the
time of
discovery
by
Euro-
peans

there
were
three
pan-Rotuman
political
positions:
the
fakpure,
the
sau,
and
the
mua.
The
fakpure
acted
as
convener
and
presiding
officer
over
the
council
of
district
headmen
and
was
responsible

for
appointing
the sau
and
ensuring
that
he
was
cared
for
properly.
The
fakpure
was
headman
of
the
dis-
trict
that
headed
the
alliance
that
had
won
the
last
war.
The

sau's
role
was
to
take
part
in
the
ritual
cycle,
oriented
toward
ensuring
prosperity,
as
an
object
of
veneration.
Early
Euro-
pean
visitors
referred
to
the
sau
as
'king,"
but

he
actually
had
no
secular
power.
The
position
of
sau
was
supposed
to
rotate
between
districts,
and
a
breach
of
this
custom
was
considered
to
be
incitement
to
war.
The

role
of
mua
is
more
obscure,
but
like
the
sau,
he
was
an
active
participant
in
the
ritual
cycle.
According
to
some
accounts
the
mua
acted
as
a
kind
of

high
priest.
Following
Christianization
in
the
1860s,
the
offices
of
sau
and
mua
were
terminated.
Colonial
administration
in-
volved
the
appointment
by
the
governor
of
Fiji
of
a
Resident
Commissioner

(after
1935,
a
District
Officer)
to
Rotuma.
He
was
advised
by
a
council
composed
of
the
district
headmen.
In
1940
the
council
was
expanded
to
include
an
elected
rep-
resentative

from
each
district
and
the
Assistant
Medical
Prac-
titioner.
Following
Fiji's
independence
in
1970,
the council
assumed
responsibility
for
the
internal
governance
of
Rotuma,
with
the
District
Officer
assigned to
an
advisory

role.
Up
until
the
first
coup,
Rotuma
was
represented
in
the
Fiji
legislature
by
a
single
senator.
Social
ControL
The
basis
for
social
control
is
a
strong
so-
cialization
emphasis

on
social
responsibility
and
a
sensitivity
to
shaming.
Gossip
serves
as
a
mechanism
for
sanctioning
deviation,
but
the
most
powerful
deterrent
to
antisocial
behavior
is
an
abiding
belief
in
immanent

justice,
that
super-
natural
forces
will
punish
wrongdoing.
Rotumans
are
a
gentle
people;
violence
is
extremely
rare
and
serious
crimes
nearly
nonexistent.
Rotuma
283
Conflict.
Prior
to
cession,
warfare,
though

conducted
on
a
modest
scale,
was
endemic
in
Rotuma.
During
the
colonial
era
political
rivalries
were
muted,
since
power
was
concen-
trated
in
the
offices
of
Resident
Commissioner
and
District

Officer.
Following
Fiji's
independence,
however,
interdistrict
rivalries
were
again
given
expression,
now
in
the
form
of
po-
litical
contention.
Following
the
second
coup,
when
Fiji
left
the
British
Commonwealth
of

Nations,
a
segment
of
the
Rotuman
population
rejected
the
council's
decision
to
re-
main
with
the
newly
declared
republic.
Arguing
that
Rotuma
had
been
ceded
to
Great
Britain
and
not

to
Fiji,
these
rebels
declared
Rotuma
independent
and
were
charged
with
sedi-
tion.
Majority
opinion
appears
to
favor
remaining
with
Fiji,
but
rumblings
of
discontent
remain.
Religion
and
Expressive
Culture

Religious
Beliefs.
The
precontact
religion
involved
a
com-
bination
of
animism,
ancestor
worship,
and
pantheism.
The
pre-Christian
religion
of
Rotuma
included
several
types
of
su-
pernatural
beings,
including
high
gods,

ancestral
ghosts,
and
local
spirits.
The
high
gods,
of
whom
Tagaroa
was
the
most
noteworthy,
were
the
source
of
sustenance.
They
were
prayed
to
for
rain,
for
fruitful
land,
and

for
success
in
islandwide
ef-
forts.
Tagaroa
was
the
god
of
human
fertility
and
the
deity
of
the
sau
and
mua.
His
son,
Tairagoni,
was
personified
by
a
tur-
tle

and
was
considered
to
be
able
to
render
the
sea
fruitful
and
safe.
Ancestral
ghosts
were
presumed
to
occupy
the
localities
where
they
lived
and
to
require
propitiation.
The
good

or
bad
fortune
of
individuals,
families,
and
local
groups
were
attrib-
uted
to
them.
In
addition,
a
number
of
free-roaming,
largely
malevolent
spirits,
who
sometimes
appeared
in
the
form
of

anomalous
creatures,
were
believed
to
inhabit
the
land.
Rotuma
was
converted
to
Christianity
in
the
1860s
by
English
Wesleyans
and
French
Catholics.
The
Catholics,
who
compose
approximately
one-third
of
the

population,
are
concentrated
on
the
south
side
of
the
island.
In
recent
years
a
Seventh-Day
Adventist
church
has
been
built
and
serves
a
number
of
families,
and
a
small
group

of
Jehovah's
Witnesses
meet
together
regularly.
The
churches
play
a
vital
role
in
the
lives
of
most
people
and
are
centers
for
many
communal
activities.
Religious
Practitioners.
The
sau
and

mua
were
tradition-
ally
responsible
for
attending
to
ritual
activities
propitiating
the
high
gods
to
ensure
the
prosperity
of
the
island.
At
the
local
level,
certain
individuals
were
designated
to

channel
the
powers
of
the
spirits
to
ensure
success
and
to
heal
sickness.
Following
missionization
these
activities
were
curtailed
and
now
are
viewed
by
most
Rotumans
as
examples
of
devil

wor-
ship.
Today
a
significant
number
of
Rotumans
hold
offices
in
the
Christian
churches
as
ministers,
lay
preachers,
stewards,
and
the
like.
Ceremonies.
Ceremonial
events
play
a
major
role
in

the
social
life
of
the
island.
Key
elements
in
every
ceremony
are
formal
presentations
of
kava
and
food
to
the
chiefs
by
men,
the
giving
of
mats
by
women,
a

feast,
and
formal
speeches.
Group
dances
are
also
often
performed
as
entertainment.
Ceremonial
occasions
include:
life-crisis
events,
such
as
wed-
dings,
firstborn
children's
first
birthdays,
funerals,
and
the
unveiling
of

headstones
a
year
after
death;
welcoming
cere-
monies
for
Rotumans
who
have
been
away
or
for
first
visits
of
outside
dignitaries;
the
anniversaries
of
historic
occasions
such
as
cession
and

the
coming
of
the
missionaries;
and
vari-
ous
church
events.
Arts.
At
the
time
of
contact
the
main
forms
of
artistic
ex-
pression
included
tattooing,
personal
ornaments
such
as
breastplates

and
necklaces,
and
the
manufacture
of
fine
mats
and
tapa.
Dancing
and
oratory
were
also
well
developed.
Today,
singing,
dancing,
and
oratory
(including
preaching)
are
the
dominant
art
forms.
Fine

mats
are
still
produced
by
women,
along
with
such
handicrafts
as
fans,
purses,
and
cro-
cheted
items.
Although
such
items
are
sold
on
occasion
at
is-
land
events,
they
are

not
marketed
overseas.
Medicine.
Traditionally,
therapeutic
practices
included
cutting
and
burning
and
massage.
Coconut
oil,
cold
water,
and
purgatives
were
important
items
in
purification
rituals.
Poultices
were
made
with
various

leaves,
mixed
with
turmeric,
and
applied
to
sores
and
inflammations.
Healers
derived
their
curative
efficacy
from
ancestral
spirits
who
guided
their
ac-
tions
during
possession
episodes.
The
ability
to
heal

was
thought
to
be
transmitted
within
families
or
directly
from
a
practitioner
to a
chosen
apprentice.
Western
medicine
has
largely
replaced
these
folk
practices,
although
massage
re-
mains
popular
as
an

alternative
form
of
treatment.
Death
and
Afterlife.
A
person's
soul
was
believed
to
wan-
der
during
sleep,
and
if
it
did
not
return
to
the
body
before
wakening
or
if

it
was
carried
off
by
a
spirit,
the
person
would
sicken
and
die.
When
a
person
was
seriously
ill
and
appar-
ently
dying,
it
was
presumed
that
his
or
her

soul
was
wander-
ing,
and
efforts
were
made
to
coax
it
to
return.
The
ghost
of
a
recently
deceased
relative
was
often
implored
to
assist
in
such
circumstances.
At
death

the
soul
migrated
to
'the
unseen
world,"
said
to
be
under
the
sea.
This
realm
was
divided
into
regions
corresponding
to
places
on
the
island.
The
final
rest-
ing
place

of
souls
was
off
the
western
end
of
the
island,
where
the
sun
sets.
The
ancient
Rotumans
buried
their
dignitaries
under
large
basaltic
stones,
which
sometimes
weighed
several
tons
and

were
transported
over
considerable
distances.
Fol-
lowing
contact,
cannons
obtained
from
European
vessels
were
sometimes
used
as
grave
markers.
Cemeteries
are
usually
on
hills
or
promontories,
and
they
are
well

cared
for
by
the
communities
that
use
them.
See
also
Futuna,
Kiribati,
Samoa,
Tonga,
Tuvalu,
Uvea
Bibliography
Howard,
Alan
(1970).
Learning
to
Be
Rotuman.
New
York:
Columbia
Teachers
College
Press.

Gardiner,
J.
Stanley
(1898).
-The
Natives
of
Rotuma."
jour-
nal
of
the
Royal
Anthropological
Institute
27:396-435,
457-524.
Plant,
Chris,
ed.
(1977).
Rotuma:
Split
Island.
Suva:
Institute
of
Pacific
Studies.
ALAN

HOWARD