A social ecology of asian global cities a comparative study of singapore hong kong

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Chapter 1
Introduction: The Effectiveness of Green Organizations
INTRODUCTION
One of the fundamental prerequisites for the achievement of
sustainable development is broad public participation in
decision-making. (UN CSD website, 2001; in King, 2004)


Emerging from the 1992 Earth Summit, the Agenda 21 document made
specific mention of its recognition of the importance of civil society, as both distinct
from the government, and as a vital player and partner in working towards
sustainable development. The UN recognized that without the voice of various NGOs
representing the different aspects of civil society, sustainable development could not
take place. The Earth Charter was the first benchmark draft presented at Rio + 5,
after consultation and reviews of previous charter initiatives with both government
and civil society (Mottershead & La Grange, 2000). It represented the link between
civil society and government in working towards sustainable development. The
environmental NGOs involved in these negotiations, had contributed to putting
environmental concerns on the radar and illustrating how these issues affect peopleʼs
daily lives, and what could be done to alleviate these problems.
However, upon closer inspection, it appears that many of these environmental
groups had emerged from countries with strong democracies and participatory
traditions. Asia, which has had a significantly weaker tradition of democracy, tends to
display more feeble public voices and fewer NGOs (Hopkinson et al., 1997). To
better understand how environmental groups can make a difference under these
conditions, this thesis will therefore focus on comparing between the environmental
movements in Asian global cities, Singapore and Hong Kong. More developed
countries with better networks and media have tended towards more complex and
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successful interaction with government and society at large, thereby allowing for
stronger presence of NGOs. Many studies of social movements have attempted to
highlight this importance of democratic civil society participation and community
mobilization in helping to enable a change towards greater sustainable development.
However, although the USA has one of the strongest environmental movements and
vibrant medias, it remains one of the most unsustainable nations and economies.
What then can be attributed to the success of environmental movements? What
makes one movement, or environmental group more successful than another? This
thesis will be looking at, and comparing green organizations in Singapore and Hong
Kong such as to provide explanations to understanding this puzzle. Being global
cities, both have well-developed economies, well-educated citizenries and have the
advantage of excellent networks. However, as we shall discuss later, both citiesʼ
environmental movements, and individual environmental groups have achieved
varying levels of success. What accounts for these differences?
Through analyzing the activities and programs of four green organizations, and
the lifestyles of their leaders – the Green Volunteers Network and Kampung Senang
in Singapore, and Friends of the Earth (Hong Kong) and Kadoorie Farm & Botanic
Gardens in Hong Kong – this thesis will draw upon comparisons between these
organizations to explain the conditions that give rise to their varying ecological
efficacies. Adopting a Bourdieusian approach, it will do so through the introduction,
and use of the concept of an ecological habitus and understanding of the field
conditions within which these groups/movements are positioned. Situating itself in the
larger discussion on-going in social movements theory, this thesis aims also to
contribute to the debate between resource mobilization theory (RMT) and new social
movements theory (NSMT) by introducing Bourdieuʼs concepts of social and cultural
capital to this theoretical discussion, and making use of these concepts to further
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develop towards a synthesis of both traditions.

THEORIZING THE GREEN MOVEMENT
Environmental movements are conceived as broad networks of people and
organizations engaged in collective action in the pursuit of environmental benefits
(Rootes, 1997; Diani, 1992). They are understood to be very diverse and complex:
ranging in organizational forms from highly organized and formally institutionalized to
radically informal, and in spatial scope from local to global, and nature of concerns
from single issues to a full panoply of environmental issues (Rootes, 1999: 2).
Whereas green parties and green organizations are fairly easy to delimit, the green
movement is one that has been left deliberately vague and open to interpretation.
There exists a wide range of sub-movements within the larger movement. Table I
features a compiled (but non-exhaustive) list of the different sub-movements such as
to better illustrate the diversity and complexity.
There have been two main traditions in social movements theory: resource
mobilization theory (RMT) and new social movements theory (NSMT). Whilst RMT is
largely based on the principle that social phenomena are the results of individual
decisions and choices that have been developed from the fundamental premise of
rational choice, NSMT is premised on the post-modern “cultural turn”. Whereas
industrial society was organized around manufacturing production, post-industrial
society emphasizes knowledge, information and discourse management as the key
resources (Nash, 2000: 110). For Touraine (1971), this leads to new forms of conflict,
which are more cultural, than economic. Class conflict, therefore, becomes replaced
by conflict over control of knowledge, through which new society is managed. It is
therefore highly dependent on the mass media through which appeals are made and
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protests are staged. It is also more oriented towards civil society than against the
state – that is, championing directly for socio-economic rights that are more
concerned with aspects of culture and lifestyles, and participation in symbolic
protests. Their suspicion of centralized bureaucratic structures has also had the

effect of orienting their activities and missions towards changing public views – with
more concern towards aspects of culture, lifestyles and participation in symbolic
protests – rather than towards changing elite institutions and claiming socio-
economic rights (Scott, 1990: Chap. 1; Crook et al., 1992: 148). On top of this, these
NSMs are also organized in non-hierarchical ways. “Some aspects of the
organization of NSMs do clearly distinguish them from formal political organizations,
to the extent that ʻnetworkʼ is often a better description than ʻorganizationʼ: they are
often locally based or centred on small groups rather than nationally oriented,
organized around specific issues rather than offering general solutions, experience
vacillations of high and low activity rather than enjoying a relatively stable
membership, and are run by fluid hierarchies and loose authority structures” (Nash,
2000: 104). However, these organizations are best viewed as a continuum of
environmental action as there have been instances where political parties have been
formed such as to enact political action. Greenpeace, for example, is one such NSM
– in contrast, Friends of the Earth is run on the basis of local involvement of their
members in their own localities.
Some theorists have explained NSMs through socio-economic reasons. For
Offe (1987), although there has been evidence of departure from direct class-based
political action, he argues that a class dimension still exists – in that there is an
obvious new middle-class concentration in the composition of these NSMs. These
movements, however, no longer make demands “on the behalf of a class” (1987: 77),
but for injustices they perceive to be inherent in the current class structures and
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contemporary capitalist systems. Another popular socio-economic explanation for
NSMs, which links it to the development in advanced capitalist societies, is offered by
Habermas. He sees NSMs as having emerged from the extension of commodification
of a consumer economy and increasing encroachment of bureaucratic welfare states
into what was once considered “private life”. For him, NSMs have emerged to protect
and defend what he terms a “lifeworld”. This “lifeworld” encompasses within it the

space in which the values of a community and family thrive. His solution therefore, is
through “communicative rationality” (1988) sought by these progressive NSMs, to
replace the older, non-rational system; and in turn, promote a more rationally ordered
and participatory society. Another explanation that has been put forth for the rise of
NSMs is socio-cultural accounts based on generational factors. Pakulskiʼs (1995)
research, for example, shows that the social profile of members involved in the
ecological movements of Europe, USA and Australia actually show great similarities
with the general social profile of the under-40 age-group, in the population as a
whole. His research is thus in line with Inglehartʼs (1990) popular explanation of
NSMs as a generational turn towards adopting more “postmaterial values”, due to
this generation having enjoyed relative economic stability and security. This
generational group, is therefore described as privileging quality of life issues – more
concern with promoting less formal, and more intimate relationships with others, the
growth of personal self-esteem, and intellectual and aesthetic satisfaction – over
those who have experienced socio-economic deprivation. These accounts and
explanations of NSMT largely build on evidence of, and try to point to class
decomposition (Crook et al., 1992: 241-3).
RMT, on the other hand, takes on a more functionalist approach – they believe
individuals are purposefully involved in collective action as a result of rational
consideration of their own interests. They, therefore, mobilize their available
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resources in a manner that makes their participation rational for their own self-
interests. RMT has been subject to broad-ranging criticisms due to the awakening of
interest in less rational aspects of individual motivation. Oberschall (1973) has
therefore responded by widely defining these resources to include material resources
such as jobs and money, and non-material resources such as authority, commitment,
friendship and skills. Developing from traditional RMT, he argues that social
movements might incur great risks and costs from individuals, but that the
perceptions of these trade-offs are influenced greatly by the socio-cultural contexts

that people are situated in. This is particularly so when members of particular social
groups find “normal” opportunities in wider society closed to them. The benefits
should they succeed, then appear very high and the costs relatively lower than
rationally expected. Unlike Olson (1968) who attempted to understand participation in
terms of individuated motivations and risks, Oberschall proposes that people often
live in communities in which collective action benefits the majority, thereby placing
pressure on individuals to participate in working towards common goals.
The professionalization of social movement organizations has also led to the
development of career opportunities for individuals involved. Zald and McCarthy
(1987) have linked this to the increased wealth of the new middle classes who have
largely spearheaded SMOs. They, however, define resources more narrowly than
Oberschall, and set it within the research agenda of RMT to develop understandings
of how traditional resources of legitimacy, money, labour and facilities can and have
been mobilized. The work of Zald and McCarthy (1987; 1988) had also made
headway into situating SMOs in relation to wider political processes.
It is recognized that as resources largely lie in the hands of established
institutions, that it would be difficult to mobilize resources for causes that are deemed
threatening to the current social order. It was Tilly (1978) in From Mobilization to
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Revolution who developed this further, and brought in the role of the state. This is of
particular importance to this study as Asian societies have long exhibited dominant
state influence in all matters of their social life. Tilly argued that as the most powerful
actor in modern industrial societies, the state selectively represses or facilitates
social movements and/or their activities according to the perceived interests of state
elites. Some SMOs are tolerated and even encouraged to the extent where they
become part of the polis, and gain access to the government. Being fairly non-
threatening in nature, environmental movements in Singapore and Hong Kong have
managed to gain this routine access to government. As we shall discuss in later
chapters, this brings with it, its own complications. Tillyʼs work fits within RMT in so

far as he is concerned with how resources are mobilized to deal with collective
grievances, within a Marxist view. As a result, his theory of political opportunity
structures directs the focus fundamentally on grassroots resistance and movements.
Like Oberschall, this helps to situate individuals in socio-cultural contexts and
communities which help individuals to develop and construct their own systems of
meaning and value – that is, as RMT assumes that individuals get involved in SMOs
based on the perceived value of their actions, that what is considered “valuable” or
not, is in itself a cultural construction. The socio-cultural contexts and relationships
within which everyone is situated is therefore an important contributing factor to
consider. As a response to criticisms of RMT as being too atomistic and over-
rationalist, RMT has attempted to develop along with the cultural turn, to provide
better accounts of cultural subjectivity. Adapting Goffmanʼs “framing theory”, scholars
have tried to explain how actors simplify the world through selective encoding of
events and experiences such as to negotiate meanings and commit themselves to
SMOs and selected causes (Snow & Benford, 1992; Tarrow, 1992). However, in line
with the fundamental belief in RMT, culture is still deemed by these theorists to be
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simply a resource to be manipulated by actors, which is to be used rationally as a
means to reach an end (McAdam et al., 1996). Framing is thus seen as “the
conscious strategic efforts by groups of people to fashion shared understandings of
the world and of themselves that legitimate and motivate collective actions” (1996: 6),
which is effectively applied such as to mobilize support and resources.
Efforts have also been made in social movements theory, to synthesize and
reconcile both the RMT and NSM traditions. Diani (1992) for example, argues that
both traditions are now so close that it is possible to synthesize them without doing
injustice to either. This thesis situates itself in the RMT tradition, whilst proposing the
importance of social relations/networks within existing grassroots communities as an
important resource. However, it also recognizes the importance of the cultural turn
that has inspired NSM theory, and the importance of culture as a resource. This

thesis will be employing Bourdieuʼs (1979) concepts of social and cultural capital as
components of a proposed “ecological habitus” which motivates and results in green
social movements/behaviour. This thesis proposes that “social capital”, and/or the
social contexts and networks within which these social movements are able to draw
support from, form vital resources that RMT should consider.

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
This thesis will marry the theoretical contributions of Pierre Bourdieuʼs habitus
and social/cultural capital, with Murray Bookchinʼs social ecology in a bid to
understand how the creation of specific dispositions within a group of people can
lead to more effective mobilization of environmental sensibilities; and put in place
more impetus for individual agents within these societies to engage in green
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behavior. Bourdieuʼs (1979) concept of habitus helps us understand how structures
are internalized and embodied on an everyday level. On the other hand, Bookchinʼs
social ecological framework shows how the larger social organizational aspects of
any given society affect environmental dispositions and behavior. This research will
attempt to marry Bourdieu and Bookchin, by introducing the concept of the ecological
habitus – which, can be understood as a set of durable but mutable dispositions
towards the relationship between human and nature, and between humans within
nature; that results in corresponding behavior. It aims to understand how an
ecological habitus is formed and experienced by people, and how the cultivation of
cultural- and social capital can effectively alter or maintain the ecological habitus.
Bookchinʼs (1993) proposition to help improve levels of social ecological balance as
a means to promote environmental sustainability is for society to be reorganized into
eco-friendly communes, which will be managed as municipalities. Citizens
themselves would deal with property in such communes - instead of elite social
groups or individuals, so as to avoid bureaucracy and hierarchy. This would lead to
the inseparability of collective/personal, public/private and political/social interests

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and a re-awakening of our natural spirituality. The development of eco-citizenship
represents a new strategy for adaptation in an environmentally threatened world.
However, this shift would require more than just mere political and top-down
changes. Such change would require a cultural shift in society (Inglehart, 1990: 3).
Bourdieuʼs proposed “forms of capital” (1986) is useful here, as the development of
eco-citizenship would require, firstly, a well established level of social capital and
networking amongst members. This would lead to recognition of the importance of
other agentsʼ function in, and contribution to the cultural and social fabric, instead of
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These municipalities would then go on to form networked confederations that will be able to form
powerful oppositions to the nation-state and their capitalistic interests.
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focusing on the competition the other poses. Secondly, an “aesthetic” appreciation of
the environment would also require for a form of cultural capital to be cultivated. This
“culture” is one founded on appreciation for a shared life-world, and a commitment to
the reproduction of the cultural fabric necessary for the perpetuation of it.
It is important here, for us to define more carefully, the concept of social and
cultural capital as they are used in this thesis. The concept of social capital has been
well established in the social sciences, however, it has undergone many
permutations of meaning (Coleman, 1987; Putnam, 2000; Lin, 2001). In keeping with
the proposed Bourdieusian approach, when referring to social capital, this thesis
means for it to be understood as “the aggregate of the actual or potential resources
which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized
relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition" (Bourdieu, 1986: 296).
This study has operationalized social capital by borrowing concepts from
social network analysis. In order to measure the level of social capital each GO

possesses, focus is concentrated on (1) the nodes in each organization, and (2) the
quality of links/ties they have both in and out of the organization. The structure and
composition of ties between the vital nodal points, both within and outside of the
organization, and the level of centralization/decentralization and structural cohesion
of ties will be able to measure the level of social capital being built. These ties
commonly take the form of, firstly, inter-organizational links/networks, such as
collaborations or close partnerships with other organizations (international, regional
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or local)
2
; and, secondly, intra-organizational density of links between core members
and normal members
3
.
To measure the varying level of social capital that has been cultivated by the
different GOs, we have split the different levels of social capital into 5 different levels
(5 points ranging from -2 to +2). Based on the variables of (1) number of nodes in
each organization, and (2) quality of the links that span from these nodes, we will
accord half a point for each increase and decrease in the levels of social capital of
each GO; based firstly on the point at which they had started out, and the variations
over time. This way we are able to measure in a quantifiable and systematic way, the
variables that contribute to the varying levels of social capital.
Cultural capital is here, defined as the ability of organizations to construct,
organize and communicate their organizational culture and image, in a manner that
appeals to, and mobilizes support. Their ability to draw upon cultural knowledge and
vocabulary in an effective way - such as to construct and manage their organizational
image, and aims, through the ecological habitus that is being promoted by their
leaders – results in varying levels of support and success. A GO that is able to
effectively draw upon cultural vernacular to appeal to the lifestyles and sensibilities of

the community will be able to mobilize more support for their activities and programs.
The higher the level of overlap with the everyday habits and lifestyles of the
community, the more it encourages adoption of the ecological habitus that is being
promoted by the GO; and vice versa.
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These inter-organizational networks however, have to fulfill the requirements of having been activated
within the past year, either through formal meetings or collaborations on projects/activities – so as to
ensure that it is valid, and not a dead link.
3
To avoid the mistake of using mere number of members as a measure of capital, attention has to be
paid to the density and quality of links (i.e. frequency of actual involvement of ordinary
members/meetings/correspondence) so as to provide a more reliable measure of actual, mobilizable
social capital in their membership.
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To measure the cultural capital of each GO, we will take into account the
variables of (1) level of response from their target communities, and (2) their ability to
further develop the ecological habitus being championed and promoted by the GO,
such that it becomes more accessible and has greater compatibility with the lives of
the community. There will also be 5 levels (5 points ranging from -2 to +2), which can
be accounted by each variable being accord half a point for each increase and
decrease in the levels of cultural capital of each GO; based firstly on the point at
which they had started out, and the variations over time. (These measurements will
be illustrated in Figure B.)
Social and cultural capital are related and overlapping concepts that can
potentially lead to the mutual reinforcement of one another, and need to be
understood as such. The ability to harness cultural capital would lead to more people,
and groups of people becoming involved in the GOʼs activities, thereby, leading to
increased social capital; whilst, increased social capital would enhance cultural

understanding and enable the more effective use of cultural capital. The following is a
graphical representation of the relationship between social and cultural capital, and
the effect it has on the ecological habitus.








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Figure A. Graphical representation of relationship between social- and cultural
capital; and its contribution to the ecological habitus







Social
Capital

A – Sufficient amount of both social and cultural capital to complement and reinforce
positive ecological dispositions, so as to lead to a green ecological habitus
B – Cultural capital without sufficient social capital leads to a lack of networks/avenues
for successful mobilization of capital
C – Social capital without cultural capital does not necessarily channel capital and

resources towards green activity (eg. businesses have ample social capital, but low
cultural capital; therefore, still ecologically unsound)
Cultural
Capital
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This thesis conceptualizes the “ecological habitus” on two different levels: that
of the individual, and that of the green organization. As a habitus is a disposition
formed from the internalization of oneʼs position in a given structure and system,
each personʼs ecological habitus will be unique unto him/herself. These dispositions,
however, are prone to alteration and change should effective influence be
persuasively exacted. Green organizations commonly possess an organization
identity/image – that guides their organizational goals and growth trajectories. In
Castellʼs (1997b) discussion of environmental movements, he categorizes them
based on their constructed identities – and their respective goals and adversaries.
Building on this method of categorization, this thesis has chosen twelve prototypical
categories, based on noticeable global trends/types of environmental organizations
and campaigns (see list of definitions –Table I). Of the twelve, six categories were
chosen based on the importance and level of representation that these types of GOs
have in both Singapore and Hong Kong. These GOs were then carefully placed into
the categories most matching with their organizational missions/characters, and from
these lists, fourteen GOs (seven from Singapore and seven from Hong Kong) from 6
different categories were chosen as a study sample (see Figure B). This thesis has
constructed a social map of green organizations based on the twin concepts of
social- and cultural-capital. The categories of SMOs have been charted onto the map
according to the varying levels of social- or cultural-capital these particular types of
organizations are seen to possess. Although this framework has narrowed the
number of variables that affect the ecological habitus down to a simple few, it is
understood that other factors such as the overall size, history of organization,
organization budget and their alliances with external agencies also affect their levels

of success. These will be taken into account and addressed further on in the
analysis.
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When seeking to join a social movement/cause, it can be assumed that potential
members seek to join a green organization, which furthers particular causes that they
deem to be in line with their own beliefs, and ecological habitus. Members of the
same green organization can therefore be said to presumably share certain
similarities in dispositions that motivates their continued participation in a particular
movement/cause. At the level of the organization then, the organizational image
being propounded by its leaders/core members can therefore be said to reflect these
similarities in their dispositions – therefore, representative of a sort of organizational
habitus. This thesis therefore focuses on understanding the ecological habitus of the
leaders and core members of the chosen green organizations so as to better
understand the ecological habitus that is being promoted by these particular
organizations. The identity and goals of these organizations, and their ability to relate
and convey these to attract membership and support is reflective of their cultural
capital, and ability to cultivate their social capital and networks.









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Table I. Typological Table of Various Ecological Habitus & their Principles

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Figure B. Map of the Social Space of GOs
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METHODOLOGY
This thesis reports on data that was collected using various in-depth,
qualitative research tools. A qualitative approach has been adopted based on this
researchʼs objective of understanding the quality and construction of the ecological
habitus as it is being, concurrently lived by, and altered by its agents worldviews and
dispositions – as based on their accumulated capitals.
Whilst all environmental organizations and sub-movements begin with some
level of social- or cultural-capital, the levels and compositions differ. However, these
compositions are not stagnant, and are prone to changing their trajectories over time.
The infusion of a new spiritual entrepreneur into a movement/organization for
example, would greatly increase the level of cultural, and overall amount of capital, or
vice versa. Also, groups/sub-movements, which are able to build and harness a good
social network over time, would also increase their amount of social, and overall
capital. As the social and cultural entrepreneurships that inspire the environmental
NGOs are not stagnant entities, this map was constructed to, not only be able to
accommodate organizations, which correspond to the conceptual placing and
distribution of the prototypical map, but also those which display changes and
development of organizational capital over time. It was, therefore, constructed to be a
“three-dimensional space” – “a space whose three fundamental dimensions are
defined by volume of capital, composition of capital, and change in these two
properties over time (manifested by past and potential trajectories in social space)”
(Bourdieu, 1979: 141).
This research process was split into two major phases:

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Firstly, after having identified twelve more prominent movements in Singapore
and Hong Kong
4
- which, form the 12 groups in the typographical GO chart –basic
exploratory interviews and focus-group discussions were conducted with the initial
shortlist of GOs (see attached list – Appendix 1). The interviews were largely held
with the opinion leaders in the groups, and focus-group discussions done informally
through participant-observation and involvement in their meetings/outings
5
. Although
the formal interviews were recorded and transcribed, due to the informal nature of the
focus-group discussions, these were not recorded. A researcherʼ s log, however, was
kept and updated after each discussion/outing – and, although, the thesis is unable
to cite verbatim quotes based on these discussions, due care was taken to record the
discussions and on-goings down. Analysis of the dynamics between members, as
displayed in unspoken body-language and speaking tones were also carefully
observed.
In the second phase, based on this initial exploratory phase, and background
information gathered from secondary research, the sample was further fine-tuned
down to four GOs based on their compatibility for comparative analysis. In particular,
this thesis had chosen to focus on comparing the categories of broad-based
“sustainable development” driven GOs against those of more grassroots “place-
bound conservationist” groups. The GOs from these different categories tended to
make use of social and cultural capital in different ways, which yielded a specific and
observable pattern of differences in results. That is, the grassroots-bound GOs – in
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The typographical table of movements are, understandably, in no way exhaustive in describing the

multiplicity of environmental sub-movements globally. However, they were chosen based on a review of
all the identifiable shortlist of environmental organizations in Singapore and Hong Kong. These
categories were the ones, which showed the most representation; and hence adopted as part of the
framework.
5
Due to anonymity clauses undertaken in research, we are not able to discuss more explicitly who was
involved in these interviews. These opinion leaders and authority figures in the GOs would otherwise be
very easily identifiable. Due care was taken, however, to ensure that the authority figures that were
interviewed and approached were systematically held constant across the GOs.!!
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this case, Kampung Senang in Singapore, and Kadoorie Botanic Garden & Farm in
Hong Kong - have lodged themselves into already existing grassroots communities
and infrastructure, which allow them to make use of the reserves of social capital pre-
existent in these networks and relations. This also enables them to better apply
cultural knowledge in an effective manner, which allows them to communicate and
construct their organizational image such that it is more compatible with the
communityʼs lifestyles and habits. Broad-based sustainable development-oriented
organizations – such as Friends of the Earth (Hong Kong) and Green Volunteers
Network – however, tend towards more loosely organized forms of social networks,
which lean towards the style of new social movements. They apply social capital in a
more globally oriented manner, relying on the cultural turn that emphasized post-
materialist values to mobilize support. The cultural vernacular and the way in which it
was applied, such as to mobilize support and build on their social capital displayed
different styles of operation, which yielded varying results. Whilst the more
grassroots-oriented GOs focus on influencing their neighbouring communities,
sustainable development-oriented GOs are more system-focused in their approach –
that is hoping to bring about ecological balance through broad-based changes that
come from systemic alterations.
Due to the historical and political contexts of Singapore and Hong Kong,

within which these GOs are situated in, a large number of the Hong Kong GOs
tended to have longer histories. These will be addressed further in Chapter 2. These
two categories of environmental sub-movements were chosen in particular, firstly,
because of their positions in the larger movements in each city, and their ability to
represent the variables that this thesis wishes to test – those of varying social and
cultural capital, and their impact on ecological efficacy of GOs. Secondly, due to the
time and resource constraints that the fieldwork of this research had to work within,
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the ability to gain routine access to the activities and meetings of these GOs was also
factored in as a concern in selecting the organizations to be studied in more detail.
Out of the twelve categories shown in Table I, 6 are illustrated in the map in
Figure B as these typographical categories are the ones which showed more overlap,
and which tended to work in tandem with the sustainable development and
grassroots, place-bound conservationists.
In this second phase of research, in-depth participant-observation was carried
out with the GOs over periods of one to three months – based on the regularity of
their activities, and availability of their members. Further in-depth interviews were
carried out with their opinion leaders, and informal focus group discussions and
interviews were carried out during participation in these activities. These activities
and interviews will be discussed in greater depth in the following chapters.
On top of this, the way in which the society is organized also has an impact
on the level of ecological efficiency displayed in the lifestyle and habits of
communities. It reviewing organizational and social movement efficacy in both
Singapore and Hong Kong, Hong Kong had revealed a more robust and successful
green movement. In the course of fieldwork, through the ethnographic experience
and in reviewing the literature, it was discovered that the role of the state in social
organization and urban planning contributed to the differing levels of success in the
GOs and general green movement in the two cities.

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HYPOTHESES: EFFECTIVENESS OF ENVIRONMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS
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Hong!Kong!
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Singapore!
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Figure'C.'GO'Grid'
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! This thesis, thus proposes two main hypotheses: (1) that the overall
effectiveness of the green movements and GOs as a whole, in Singapore and Hong
Kong can be attributed to the differences in the processes of urban planning and
socio-cultural organization of societies in these cities. Through comparing the
efficacy of the green movements in Singapore and Hong Kong, it will illustrate the
ways in which social and cultural capital more effectively mobilized in Hong Kong due
to the patterns of socio-cultural organization brought about by state policies and
positions; (2) that place-bound conservationist / social ecological approach to social
mobilization is more effective than systems-based sustainable developmental

FOE (HK)

Kadoorie Botanic Garden

& Farm

Green Volunteers Network

Kampung Senang

Effectiveness of GOs (Based on Organizational
Identity / Ecological habitus)
Effectiveness of
GOs (Based on
Cross-Country
Comparison)
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23!
approaches. Kadoorie and Senang have managed to achieve greater success at
mobilizing social support and harnessing their social and cultural capital as they are
able to plug into existing social networks through planting themselves into existing
grassroots communities. FOE (HK) and the Network however, lack the same
effectiveness, as they are unable to properly organize their cultural capital to affect
as much social support. The effectiveness of a GO, thus, lies fundamentally in their
ability cultivate social capital. The effective use of cultural capital is thus a means
through which they can improve their social capital, through which they are able to
achieve greater levels of success and effectiveness in their programs. Whilst Chapter
2 will address hypothesis (1), and do a cross-city analysis/comparison through
understanding and explaining the overall effectiveness of the national movements in
both Singapore and Hong Kong in relation to the role of the state and the political
opportunity structures they provide, Chapter 4 will address hypothesis (2) more
directly, by explaining the varying effectiveness of particular types of GOs based on
their success at cultivating and harnessing social capital. Chapter 3 will provide
deeper ethnographic descriptions and examples of the ecological habitus of the four

GOs which this thesis has chosen to focus on, and through these descriptive
illustrations and explorations prove these hypotheses, whilst introducing the
importance of understanding the value of “social capital” as a vital resource in RMT.
The concepts of ecological habitus and social and cultural capital as they are used in
this thesis, will form vital conceptual tools.




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24!
Chapter 2
A Cross-City Comparison of Green Movements: Social Organization, Political
Opportunity Structures & The Politics of Urban Planning
INTRODUCTION
This chapter will discuss the differences in the green movements in
Singapore and Hong Kong. Hong Kong has displayed a significantly stronger and
more robust environmental movement than in Singapore. This chapter will explain
this difference through discussing the different ways in which the political processes
of urban planning play out – and the socio-cultural and socio-economic dynamics that
contribute, and result from these plans – and affect the structures of political
opportunities that are available for social movements to manoeuvre within.
Singapore, with its almost watertight concept and urban planning has provided its
populace with little room for discontent. The governmentʼs seemingly seamless
planning, therefore, provides little political space or opportunity for social movements
to develop more successfully, as the satisfactory standards of living make it difficult
for movements to mobilize resources and support. Hong Kongʼs longer colonial
history of a more laissez-faire approach to urban planning, has on the other hand,
allowed for social movements and civil society to take on and play a more definitive
and active role. On top of this, the governmental provision of public housing and the

differing patterns of home ownership, and the ownership and jurisdiction over land
also play important roles.


UNDERSTANDING THE DIFFERENCES: POLITICAL PROCESSES OF URBAN
PLANNING
Whilst all the GOs have in general shown movement, and general
improvement in terms their collective volume of capital (social + cultural), the
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25!
changes reflect different types of development in terms of composition of capital. A
comparison of the maps of the GOsʼ positions within the green social space reveals a
fundamental difference in terms of how the GOs in Singapore and Hong Kong are
clustered. Whilst the GOs in Singapore are more scattered around the social space
of the green movement, and less well integrated as a movement, the GOs in Hong
Kong tend to show more coordination and overlap. This in turn reinforces their social
capital, and cultural capital as it provides an important network, thereby,
strengthening the movement in Hong Kong as a whole, as opposed to Singapore. It
is therefore, important to understand the factors that influence these different
patterns of development. The following sections in this chapter will illustrate how
urban planning, and the political processes which determine it, play an important role
in influencing and affecting the directions in which the green movement and GOs can
develop. The different approaches of the Singaporean and Hong Kong government
can be seen through their urban planning and social organization. These in turn
create different structures and pockets of political opportunities, which GOs can
make use of, and/or effectively function within.
Urban planning is the careful planning of space and the physical environment
that takes into account its affects on the social, cultural and economic life of a
society. The political processes of urban-planning involve the dynamic interlocution
between legal structures, historical circumstances, cultural contexts, the

corporatization of local communities and their ability to organize resistance, and the
stateʼs directions. In light of the advent of “sustainable development” becoming a
central issue in modern society, contemporary city planning needs to seek to balance
the conflicting demands of social equity, economic growth, environmental sensitivity,
and aesthetic appeal. Both Singapore and Hong Kong enjoy the benefits of being
important nodal points in a network of global cities, through which information and