Field Theory and Experiment in Social Psychology Concepts and Methods

Field Theory and Experiment in Social Psychology: Concepts and Methods
Author(s): Kurt Lewin
Source: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 44, No. 6 (May, 1939), pp. 868-896
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
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FIELD THEORY AND EXPERIMENT IN SOCIAL
PSYCHOLOGY: CONCEPTS AND METHODS
KURT LEWIN
ABSTRACT
in integrating
The fieldtheoreticalapproachis instrumental
divergentphysiological,

psychological,and sociologicalfactson the basis of theirinterdependence.To explain
social behaviorit is necessaryto representthe structureof the total situationand the
distributionof the forcesin it. Certaingeometriesare offeredas adequate forrepresentingsocial fields.The problemof adolescence and the concept "social group" are
discussedin detailas examples.

I suppose,have reasonto be satisfied
withthe
The sociologists,
recenttrendsinpsychology.
Traditionally,
mostpsychologists
seem
tohavefeltmoreorlessobligedto emphasizethebiologicalcharacter
oftheindividual,
to believein therealityofphysicalandphysiologiand to
cal processes,
but to be rathersuspiciousofsocialcategories
regardas mysticthosewhoclaimedthatsocialfactswereas realas
physicalones.
seemto
Recently,however,a growingnumberof psychologists
have abandonedthisview. They seemto be persuadedthatsocial
forpsychology
thanthe
factsare equallyor evenmoreimportant
so-called"physiological
facts."These psychologists
recognizethat
the childfromhis firstday of lifeis objectivelya partof a social
settingand woulddie withina fewdaysifhe wereto be withdrawn

fromit. Also,theso-called"subjective"psychological
worldof the
in a muchearlierstageby
individual,his life-space,
is influenced
socialfactsand socialrelationsthananyonewouldhave expecteda
fewdecadesago. Already,at a fewmonths,
thechildseemsto react
to anotherperson'ssmileand voice in a ratherspecificway. It is
probablysafeto say thatthe childis able to perceiveand to disofanotherpersonat an
thefriendliness
and unfriendliness
tinguish
earlierage thanhe is ableto distinguish
thepatternofphysicallines
in a countenance
whichexpresses
thesesocialattitudes.
withthisearlyage, the child'sbehavioris moldedin
Beginning
everyrespectby hissocialsituation.Of course,his morale,his religion,and hispoliticalvaluesaredetermined
byhisbeinga partof,
and reactingto, thesocietyin whichhe lives. If one considersthe
868

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FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

869

of culturalanthropology
findings
and of experimental
psychology,
onecan,I think,establishevidencethatsocialinfluences
enterevery
actionof the individual,evenactionswhichseemto have nothing
todowithsociety.
Humanbehavioris eithera directedactionor an emotionalexpression.Experimental
psychology
has shownthattheformation
of
goals dependsdirectlyupon the laws whichgovernthe level of
aspiration,
particularly
uponthe effect
whichsuccessor failurehas
in raisingand loweringthe level of aspiration(7, IO, I3).' These
makeit evidentthatthe levelof aspirationis greatly
experiments
influenced
by suchsocial factsas thepresenceor absenceof other
personsor by the competitive
or noncompetitive
characterof the
situation.It has been shown,too, that the goal-setting
depends

upon certainideal goals,upon whatthe sociologists
call the "ideology" of the person.Culturalanthropology
proves that these
ideologiesvaryextremely
cultures.As to theemoamongdifferent
tionalexpression,
experiments
have shownthat,forinstance,the
emotionalreactionto failurecan be changedto a greatextentby
appropriatepraise or changein social atmosphere(7, I5). This
oftension(g)
thegeneralthesisthatthemanagement
substantiates
by the individualdependsupon his particularsocial and cultural
setting.
Fromthisit shouldbe apparentthatexperimental
is
psychology
in helpingthesociologists
instrumental
to realizetheirmostardent
dream:the demonstration
of the fundamental,
direct,and wideofsocialfactsonbehavior.
spreadeffect
Thereis a growingnumberof psychologists
who emphasizethe
"historical,"social side of psychological
facts;and eventhe hardboiledbelieversin a stimulus-reaction
showa peculiar

psychology
interestin gettingas muchof,and as closeto, socialfactsas they
can. I believethereis no longeranyneedforthetraditional
oppositionbetweenpsychologists
inthisbasicissue.
andsociologists
I
ofbehavior
intothesocialdependency
thisinsight
Unfortunately,
rather
doesnotendtheproblemforthepsychologist.
His problems
I Numbersin parenthesesreferto workscited in the bibliography
at theend of the
article.

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870

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

beginhere.For the sociologist,
too, theyshouldbeginhere.Psycannotpossiblybe satisfied
chology,includingsocial psychology,
withany "generalities"(howevercorrecttheymay be). It has to

judgescientific
conceptsand theorieslargelyby theirabilityor inand to
abilityto handle problemsof dynamicinterdependence
handlethemin a mannersufficiently
to attacktheconcrete
specific
ortheclinic.
tasksofthelaboratory
Of course,forhundredsof yearsthe beliefwas prevalentthat
personality,
will,and emotionwerenot subjectto strictlaws and
that theycould not be studiedexperimentally.
A similarview is
traditionally
strongin sociology.In the long run,however,dira
in bothsociologyand psychology
necessitasis boundto be stronger
thanthosemetaphysical
and sociology
prejudices,
seemsto be ready
now forimportant
stepsaway fromtheseprejudices.Psychology
as a sciencemightbe said to be somewhatmoreadvancedtechniat leastinsomeofitsareas. However,on the
callyand conceptually,
in regardto social psychology,
whole,and particularly
it, too, is
facingthetaskofdeveloping
a generalapproachwhichoffers

specific
for
of
a
vast and
conceptualtools
solvingthe concreteproblems
diversified
area.
Socialpsychology
indicates,
probablybetterthananyotherpart
ofpsychology
andofsociology,
whatis needed.Its progress
depends
upon an overcoming
of certainmajordifficulties,
whichincludeat
leastthefollowing:
a) The integrating
of vast areas of very divergentfactsand aspects: The developmentof a scientificlanguage (concepts) which is able to treat cultural,historical,sociological,psychological,
and physicalfactson a common
ground
b) The treatingofthesefactson thebasis oftheirinterdependence
c) The handlingofbothhistoricaland systematical
problems
d) The handlingofproblemsrelatedto groupsas wellas to individuals
e) The handlingof all "sizes" of objects or patterns(social psychologyhas to
includeproblemsof a nationand its situation,as well as of a play groupof

threechildrenand theirmomentary
struggle)
pressure,etc.)
f) Problemsof"atmosphere"(suchas friendliness,
g) Experimentalsocial psychologywill have to finda way to bringthe largesize patternsintoa framework
small enoughforthetechnicalpossibilities
of
experimentation

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FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

87I

The varietyof factswhichsocialpsychology
has to treatmight
reallyseemfrightening
to evena boldscientific
mind.Theyinclude
as
"values" (suchas religious
and moralvalues),"ideologies"(such
or communism),
"the styleof livingand thinking,"
conservatism
and other so-called "cultural" facts.They include sociological
problems,

i.e., problemsofgroupand groupstructure,
theirdegree
ofhierarchy
and typeoforganization;
or suchproblemsas thediftheirrigidity
or
ference
betweena ruraland an urbancommunity,
fluidity,
degreeof differentiation,
etc. They also includeso-called
of a person,his
"psychological"
problems,such as the intelligence
goals and fears,and his personality.
They includesuch "physiological"factsas theperson'sbeinghealthyor sick,strongor weak,
the colorof his hairand of his complexion.
They include,finally,
such "physical"factsas the size of the physicalarea in whichthe
personora groupis located.
to
It is utterly
fruitless
and merelya negativescientific
treatment
put thesefactsinto classificatory
pigeonholes,
howeveraccurately
builtand fittedtheymay be. It is widelyacceptedtodaythatwe
needpositivemeansofbringing

thesevarioustypesoffactstogether
in sucha waythatone can treatthemon onelevelwithoutsacrificingtherecognition
oftheirspecificcharacteristics.
The problemof
adolescencewhichwe will discussas an exampleshows,I think,
particularlyclearlythat a way must be foundto treat bodily
andgroup-belongingness
withinonerealm
changes,shiftofideology,
of scientific
language,in a singlerealmof discourseof concepts.
The questionis "How canthatbe done?"
Behaviorismhas triedto answerthis questionby interpreting
reflex.One ofthemainreasonsforthe
as a conditioned
everything
appeal of suchapproachis the same as thatwhichlies behindthe
it appearedto
popularappealofthe"unityofscience"idea: namely,
basis (althoughin factit
put everyproblemon a "physiological"
did not), and in thisway it seemedto promiseintegration
of the
factsononelevel.
divergent
in sociologyand socialpsychology
Today mostresearchworkers
will agree that the programof describingand explainingsociopsychological
processesby conceptsand laws of physicsor physi-

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THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

ologymightat best be something
to talkaboutas a distantpossibilityfora speculative
philosopher.
But sucha waywoulddefinitely
notbe a realistic
research
program
forattacking
thesociopsychological problems
oftoday. On theotherhand,to elaborateon the"fundamentaldifferences"
betweenphysics,sociology,and psychology
and to restsatisfied
withsuchdistinctions
is no helpeither.
To discussthese problemsadequatelywould involvea more
thoroughtreatment
of certainquestionsof comparativetheoryof
sciencethanis possiblehere.As faras I can see thesolutionliesin
the direction(a) that a scienceshouldbe considereda realmof
problemsratherthan a realmof material;(b) that the different
realmsofproblems
mightnecessitate

different
universes
ofdiscourse
of constructs
and laws (such as thoseof physics,aesthetics,psychology,and sociology);and (c) that any one of them refers
ofmaterial.
moreorlessto thesameuniverse
For anypracticalpurposeofresearch-andthat,afterall,is what
shouldfeelfullyfree
counts-scienceslikesociologyor psychology
whichtheythinkmostadequatefor
to use thosetypesofconstructs
handlingtheirproblems;and theyshouldattemptto findtheintegrationwe have discussedon theirownlevel. Theyshouldnotfeel
outofphilosophiofanothersciencemerely
obligedto use constructs
or popularmetaphysics
cal reasons(e.g.,becausesomephilosophies
apply"truereality"to physicalentitiesonly). On theotherhand,
in theirown right,thosesciencesdo not need to
feelingconfident
be afraidofusingmethodsorconcepts(e.g.,mathematical
concepts)
whichmightor mightnot have similarities
with thoseof other
sciences.

The field-theoretical
approachis intendedto be a practicalvehicle
ofresearch.As is truewithanytool,itscharacteristics
canbe underinstoodfullyonlyby the use of it in actual research.Therefore,

I
in abstractum,
stead of statinggeneralmethodological
principles
ofa
preferto discusstheproblemof adolescenceand thedefinition
social groupas an illustration.
Our purposein discussingthemis
nottheproving
ofcertainfactsortheories(whichmightormightnot
be fullycorrect)but to surveycertainmajoraspectsof the fieldtheseexamplesI willtherefore,
theoretical
approach.In discussing
fromtimeto time,pointto similaraspectsin otherproblems.A

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FIELD THEORYIN SOCIALPSYCHOLOGY

873

articleby Mr. Lippitt2offers
forthcoming
a moredetailedexample
ofactualresearch.
II
We have chosentheproblemof adolescencebecausethechanges
in behaviorwhichare supposedto be characteristic

forthisperiod
seem,at firstsight,to giveexcellent
backingto a biologicalviewin
sociology.Obviously,adolescencehas something
to do withsexual
hormonesand with certainperiodsof bodilygrowth.The more
of theproblemof adolescence,however,seemto
recenttreatments
emphasizeitssocialaspect. Theypointparticularly
to thefactthat
the behaviortypicalforthisage is ratherdifferent
in different
societies(4, 23). Considerableargumentation
has been advancedfor
andagainstbothviews.
However,in regardto theproblemof adolescence,
as in relation
to othersocialand psychological
it doesnothelpmuchto
problems,
arguewhetheradolescenceis a biologicalor psychological
effect.It
does not help verymucheitherto tryto describe,on a statistical
in
basis,to whatdegreethisproblemis biologicalor psychological
nature.Even if an answercouldbe found,it wouldbe of as little
of the degreeto which
value as, for instance,the determining
heredityand environment
affectintelligence.

We stillwould not
have gainedany insightinto the way in whichbodilyand social
factorsareworking
the
together
and againsteachother,integrating
concretebehaviorof the adolescent.It would seem to be more
fruitful
to startwithan analysisof the settingin a concretecase.
This case shouldbe chosennotso muchaccordingto thefrequency
of occurrence
as accordingto theamountofinsightit offers
intoa
whichis typicalat least fora part of the settingin
constellation
question.
In regardto the problemof adolescence,it mightbe helpfulto
referfirstto caseswhichshowtheso-called"typical"difficulties
of
adolescentbehavior.A field-theoretical
analysisofsucha situation
shouldgivesomehintsas to whatconditions
wouldincreaseor decreasethesesymptoms.
The periodofadolescencecan be said to be a periodoftransition.
2

Journalof
in the July,1939, issueof the American
Scheduledforpublication

Sociology.

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874

OF SOCIOLOGY
THE AMERICANJOURNAL

a more
It seemsto imply,at least undercertaincircumstances,
rapidor deepershiftthan the periodbefore.Afterthe ratherimportantchangesaroundthe age ofthreeyears,oftena morestable
situationhas arisen.Maybe minorcriseshave comeup; but parby special
ticularlyin caseswherethe adolescenceis characterized
a relatively
quietor stabletimemighthave preceded
disturbances,
one can
thenatureof thetransition,
it. If one triesto characterize
pointtoseveralaspects.
a) One can viewadolescenceas a changein group-belongingness.
by himselfand by othersas a
The individualhas been considered
child.Now he does notwishto be treatedas such. He is readyto
separatehimselffromthingschildishand to tryseriouslyto enter
adult lifein mannersand in outlookon occupation,as on lifein
fromone groupto anotheris

general.Anychangein belongingness
forthebehavioroftheperson;themorecentral
ofgreatimportance
is the change.
forthepersonthisbelonging
is, the moreimportant
is a "sociallocomotion."Thatmeans
A shiftingroup-belongingness
it changesthepositionofthepersonconcerned.
in psyrecognized
It is a simplefact,but stillnot sufficiently
thatthebehaviorofa persondependsabove
chologyand sociology,
all upon his momentary
position.Often,the world looks very
an eventwhichchangesthe regionin
before
and
after
different
whicha personis located.That is the reasonwhy,forinstance,a
fait accompliis so fearedin politics. A changein position,forinfromonegroupto another,changesnotonly
stance,thelocomotion
of a personbut moreor less thetotal
themomentary
surroundings
region,easilyaccessiblefrom
setting:whathas beena neighboring
thepreviousposition,mightnowbe farther
away or no longeraccessibleat all. On theotherhand,different

regionsare nowneighbors,and newonesmaybe accessible.The shiftintothegroupof
whichpretheadults,forinstance,makespossiblecertainactivities
The
but whichare nowsociallypermitted.
viouslywereforbidden
individualmightattendcertainparties,have accessto certainactivities.On theotherhand,certaintaboosexistfortheadultsthat
do notexistforthechild(Fig. i, a and b).
to thatoftheadultsis a
b) The changefromthegroupofchildren
it is
shiftto a moreor less unknownposition.Psychologically,

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FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

875

an unknownregion,comparableto coming
equivalentto entering
forexample,
in thefieldoflearning,
intoa newtown.Experiments
differences
betweena
givesomekindofpictureofthefundamental

a

b
of child and adult. The actual
FIG. i.-Comparison of the space offreemovement
activityregionsare represented. The accessible regionsare blank; the inaccessible
shaded. (a) The space offreemovementofthechildincludestheregionsI-6 representing activitiessuch as gettinginto the movies at children'srates,belongingto a boy's
activitiessuch as drivinga
club,etc. The regions7-35 are not accessible,representing
car, writingchecks forpurchases,political activities,performanceof adults' occupations,etc. (b) The adultspace of freemovementis considerablywider,althoughit too
is boundedby regionsofactivitiesinaccessibleto the adult,such as shootinghis enemy
or enteringactivitiesbeyondhis social or intellectualcapacity (representedby regions
including29-35). Some of the regionsaccessible to the child are not accessible to the
adult, forinstance,gettinginto the moviesat children'srates,or doing thingssocially
taboo foran adult whichare permittedto the child (representedby regionsI and 5).

situationwhichis familiarto an individualand thatwhichis uncan be represented
as a
psychologically
familiar.The unfamiliar
unstructured
region(i6). This meansthatthatregion
cognitively

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876

THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

into clearlydistinguishable
parts. It is not
is not differentiated
wherea certainactionwilllead and in what direccleartherefore
tionone has to moveto approacha certaingoal. Thislackofclearnessofthedirection
in thefieldis one ofthemajorreasonsforthe
surroundofbehavior"to be foundinunknown
typical"uncertainty
ings. Studieson social pressureand on ascendantand submissive
behavior(I 2, 27) clearlyindicatethatan individualin an unfamiliar
is lessreadyto putup a fightor to showascendantbesurrounding
equivalentto a
surrounding
is dynamically
havior.An unfamiliar
thelack of a cognitively
clear
softground.Or,to be morespecific,
one. The instructure
is likelyto makeeveryactiona conflicting
dividual,not knowingwhetherthe actionwill lead him closeror
uncertainas to whether
farther
away fromhis goal,is necessarily
ornothe shouldcarryit out (i6).
leads to an openingup ofnew
The child'sdevelopment
naturally
are characterized

by more
unknownregions.Periodsof transition
thanthe usual impactof suchnew regions.Enteringa newsocial
verysimilarto beingthrownintoa coggroupcan meansomething
ground
field,beingforcedto standon unfirm
nitivelyunstructured
the"rightthing"is beingdone. The unwhether
and notknowing
can
certaincharacterof the adolescent'sbehaviorand his conflicts
the
partlybe explainedby thelack of cognitiveclarityconcerning
adult'sworldwhichhe is goingto enter(Fig. 2). It clearlyfollows
is greaterthe morethe individualhas prethat thisuncertainty
viouslybeenkeptout of the adultworldand has beenkeptin the
darkaboutit.
to theindividual
closeand important
c) One regionparticularly
one's ownbodycan be treatedin
is his ownbody. Psychologically
the
somerespectsin thesamewayas one's environment.
Generally
That means he knows
individual"knows"his body sufficiently.
whathe can expectfromit and how it willreactundergivencircumstances.The timeof sexual maturitybringswithit changes
disturbedby his own body.
whichmakethe individualsometimes

ariseandmakethis
Moreor less strangeand newbodyexperiences
whichis so close and vital to the individual
partof the life-space
strangeandunknown.In thiscase thechangedoesnotmeanmerely
theusual uncertainties
of a newand strangeenvironment;
but,in

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FIELD

THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

877

addition,a regionwhichpreviously
appearedto be wellknownand
reliablebecomesnow unknownand unreliable.This changenecesinthestability
sarilyshakesthebeliefoftheindividual
oftheground
on whichhe standsandperhapsevenin thestability
oftheworldat
large. Sincethe regionof the bodyhappensto be veryimportant
and centralforanyone,thisdoubtingmightbe ratherfundamental.
It mightlead,on theonehand,to increaseduncertainty
ofbehavior

and to conflicts;
on theother,to the aggressiveness
of someof the
adolescent
reactions.

I

FIG.

,

9

ofthe adolescent
as it appears to him. The space
2.-The space offreemovement

is greatly
have
offreemovement
increased,
including
manyregionswhichpreviously
freedom
to smoke,returning
homelate,
notbeenaccessibleto thechild,forinstance,

drivinga car (regions7-9, II-I3, ..

). Certain regionsaccessible to the adult are
clearlynot accessible to the adolescent,such as voting(representedby regionsiO and
i6). Certainregionsaccessible to the child have already become inaccessible,such as
gettingintothe moviesat children'srates,orbehavingon too childisha level (regioni).
The boundariesofthesenewlyacquiredportionsofthespace offreemovementare only
vaguelydeterminedand in themselvesgenerallyless clearlyand sharplydifferentiated
than foran adult. In such cases the life-spaceof the adolescent seems to be full of
possibilitiesand at the same time of uncertainties.

wouldbe in line,e.g.,withthefindings
Suchexplanation
ofL. B.
lead bothto highlyaggressive
Murphy(22) thatinsecuresituations
andhighly
sensitive
behavior.The disastrous
effect
whichthebreakfirmgroundmighthave,is dramatically
downofa previously
illustratedby foster-children,
who discoverat a late age thetruefacts
theirparentage.The traumaofsucha collapseofa social
concerning
groundsometimes
permanently
destroys
theirbeliefintheworld.
d) The "radicalism"whlchmakes some adolescentsflockto
extreme"left"or "right"politicalpartiesand be extremein many

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878

THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

judgments
has to deal also witha secondfactor.A periodofradical
a periodofgreater
changeis naturally
plasticity.The veryfactthat
a personis in thestateofmovingfromone regionA to a newregion
B, and is therefore
cut loose fromthe regionA but notyetfirmly
established
in theregionB, putshimin a less stableposition(Figs.
2 and 4) and makeshim,as anyobjectinstatu
nascendi,
moreformative.
as
The psychological
environment
has to be regarded
functionally
a partofone interdependent
theotherpartof
field,thelife-space,

whichis the person.This fundamental
factis the keynoteof the
it has become,in various
field-theoretical
approach.In psychology
moreand morerecognized
and can be expressedsimplyby
forms,
=
the formula:Behavior= Functionof personand environment
Function
oflife-space
(Be = F [P, E] = F [L Sp]) (3, i8). Theinenvironment
stabilityof the psychologic
leads, in some respects,
of the person."Beingestablished"
to greaterinstability
therefore,
meanshavinga well-defined
positionand definite
relationsto the
manyregionsof a highlydifferentiated
life-space:undersuchcircumstances
anymajorchangemeansa greatnumberofstepsand a
In an unestablished,
shiftofinterrelation.
newsituationthefieldis
has ocnot verymuchdifferentiated,
and whateverdifferentiation
curredis notveryfirm.The shiftofpositionoftheindividualfrom

one regionto another,
whichin thelessdifferentiated
fieldmightbe
merelyone step (Fig. 2), wouldhave to be considereda major
field
change(equivalentto manysteps) in a moredifferentiated
(Fig. i, b). Similarly,
whatin realityis a notverygreatand easily
made shiftin cognitivestructureof the ideologicalfieldof the
adolescent,whichcontainsrelativelyfewregions,appearsto be a
radicalshiftto the adult,withhis highlydifferentiated
cognitive
in cognitivedifferentiation
field.The difference
is probablyone of
thereasonswhyadolescents
easilygo to extremes.
of thelife-space
intounknownregionsconcerns
e) The widening
not onlygeographical
surroundings
(interestin traveling,
hiking,
etc.) and social surroundings
(more inclusivesocial groupslike
politicalor occupationalones) but also the timedimensionof the
life-space.Personsofall agesareinfluenced
by themannerin which
theysee thefuture,

thatis,by theirexpectations,
fears,and hopes.

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FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

879

The scopeof timeahead whichinfluences
presentbehavior,and is
to be regardedas a partofthepresentlife-space,
therefore
increases
This changein timeperspective
duringdevelopment.
is one of the
mostfundamental
factsof development.
Adolescenceseemsto be
a periodofparticularly
deepchangeinrespectto timeperspective.
The changecan be partlydescribedas a shiftin scope. Instead
ofdays,weeks,ormonths,
nowyearsaheadareconsidered
in certain
is thewayin whichthesefutureevents
goals. Even moreimportant

influence
presentbehavior.The ideas of a childof six or eightin
regardto his occupationas an adult are not likelyto be based on
sufficient
knowledgeof the factorswhichmighthelp or interfere
withthe realizationof theseideas. They mightbe based on relativelynarrowbut definite
expectations
or mighthave a dreamor
playlikecharacter.In otherwords,"ideal goals" and "real goals"
forthedistantfuture
arenotmuchdistinguished,
andthisfuture
has
morethefluidcharacter
ofthelevelofirreality.
In adolescencea definite
in regardto thetimeperdifferentiation
spectiveis likelyto occur.Withinthosepartsofthelife-space
which
the future,levels of realityand irrealityare gradually
represent
That whichis dreamedofor wishedfor(level
beingdifferentiated.
in thefuture)becomesseparatedfromwhatis expected
ofirreality
(levelofrealityin thefuture).Vagueideas have to be replacedby
moreorlessdefinite
decisionsin regardto preparation
forfuture
octhetime

cupation.In otherwords,one has to "plan": to structure
perspective
(io) in a waywhichis in linebothwithone'sownideal
goals or values and withthoserealitieswhichmustbe takeninto
accountfora realisticstructuring
of theplaneof expectation
(Fig.
3, a andb).
This taskis characteristic
forall kindsofplanning.The situation
oftheadolescentin thisrespectis particular
onlyin thathe has to
in regardto a fieldwhichis especially
formthe timeperspective
greatand unknown.Whathe learnsfrombooksand adultcouncil
aboutwhatan individualmightaccomplish
is fullofcontradiction:
the adultspraisethe herowhohas realizedwhatseemedto be impossible,and at the sametimepreachthemoralof "standingwith
bothfeeton theground."
In anotherrespectthe adolescentfindsthe adults (thegrouphe

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a
ps pr

Psfu'

3le:

b

P as
ofchildandadult.The diagramrepresents
ofan individual
FIG. 3. Time perspective
thelife-space
it existsat a certaintime. At thattimethepersonsees himselfin a certainsituiationat presentand expects
as "psychological
certainsituations
in hisimmediate
or laterfuture(represented
time"ps pr= psychoeach
future).Probably
logicalpresent,
psful= immediate
future,
psychological
ps fu2= later psychological
of thesesituationsincludesa realitylevel (R) equivalentto what thepersonreallyexpectsto cometrue,and
an irrealitylevel (Ir), correspondingto what he mightdream,hope for,or fear(forinstance,on theirreality
level the person,P, sees himselfcloserto the goal thanhe expectsto be at that time). Mathematicallythe
dimensionmakes the life-spaceexistingat a given
reality-irrealitydimensionand the past-present-future
momenta manifoldwhichhas at least fourdimensions(to representchangeoflife-spacewould mean a fifth
one). (It is, of course,impossiblemathematicallyto representin a diagrama continuousfour-dimensional
manifoldadequately, but we trust that this discontinuousrepresentationwill suffice.)
(a) Life-spaceof a child. (b) Life-spaceof an adult. !'(I) The adult life-spaceshowsa greaterdegreeof

differentiation
in thedimensionreality--irrealityfora givenpsychologicaltime,forinstance,forthepsychooftheadultinfluencing
hispresentbehaviorgenerallycoversa
logicalpresent.(2) The timeperspective
in regardto timesequence. (3) The adultis generallymoreable
largertimespan and is moredifferentiated
forthefuture;thestructure
to distinguishbetweenwishesand realisticexpectation.That is trueparticularly
of the realitylevel of his life-spacein the psychologicalfutureis less directlydependentupon theirreality
level (althoughforthe distantfuturethisinfluencemightbe not much less than fora child). For instance,
the positionin whichtheperson,P, sees himseffon the futurerealitylevel is forthe child probablymore
similarto thaton theirrealitylevel thanforthe adult.

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FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

88i

is to enter)fullof contradiction.A varietyofconflicting
religious,
political,and occupationalvaluesis obviouslypowerful
withinthat
group.A childmay failto bringto adolescencea well-established
framework
ofvalues,orhe mayhavethrown
thevaluesofhischildhoodaway. In eithercase thestructure
ofhis adolescenttimeperspectivewillbe unstableandundetermined,

owingtotheuncertainty
ofnotonlywhatcan be done(whichwe have discussedpreviously)
but also whatshouldbe done. The uncertain
character
oftheideals
and values keepsthe adolescentin a stateof conflict
and tension
whichis thegreaterthemorecentraltheseproblemsare. The wish
to structure
thesefieldsin a definite
way (and in thismannerto
solvetheconflict)
seemsto be one of thereasonsbehindthereadinessoftheadolescentto followanyonewhooffers
a definite
pattern
ofvalues.
fromchildhoodto adulthoodmay be a rather
f) The transition
suddenshift(forinstance,in someof theprimitive
societies),or it
mayoccurgraduallyin a settingwherechildrenand adultsare not
sharplyseparatedgroups.In caseoftheso-called"adolescencediffia thirdstateofaffairs
is oftenprevalent:children
culties,"however,
and adultsconstitute
clearlydefined
groups;theadolescentdoesnot
wishto belonganylongerto thechildren's
groupand, at thesame
time,knowsthathe is not reallyacceptedin the adultgroup.In

thiscase he has a positionsimilarto whatis calledin sociologythe
man."
"marginal
The marginalmanis a personwhostandson theboundary(Fig.
4, b) betweentwogroups,A and B. He doesnotbelongto eitherof
them,or at leasthe is notcertainabouthisbelongingness.
Not infrequently
thissituationoccursformembersof an underprivileged
forthemoreprivileged
minority
group,particularly
members
within
thisgroup.Thereis a strongtendency
forthemembers
oftheunderprivileged
minority
groupto cut loose and to tryto enterthemajoritygroup(I 7). In case thepersonis partlysuccessful
in estabwiththe privileged
lishingrelationships
groupwithoutbeingfully
to bothgroupsbut
accepted,he becomesa marginal
man,belonging
not fullyto eitherof them.The factof beinglocatedin a social
''no man'sland" can be observedin verydifferent
typesofminority
racialgroupsorthehard-of-hearing,
groups-forinstance,
whichis a

marginal
groupbetweenthedeafand thenormalgroup.

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882

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

symptomsof behaviorof the marginalman are
Characteristic
They tend to unbalanced
emotionalinstabilityand sensitivity.
too much
or shyness,exhibiting
behavior,eitherto boisterousness
beofcontradictory
shiftbetweenextremes
tension,and a frequent

a

C
b
and adulthood
man.(a) Duringchildhood
as a marginal
FIG. 4.-The adolescent

theinseparatedgroups,
(C) areviewedas relatively
the"adults"(A) and"children"
adult(a', a2) beingsureoftheirbelonging
to
dividualchild(c., C2) and theindividual
to a group(Ad) whichcan be
belonging
theirrespective
groups.(b) The adolescent
(C) andtheadults'(A) groupbelongviewedas an overlapping
regionofthechildren's
toeitherone.
between
them,notbelonging
ingto bothofthem,oras standing

manshowsa typicalaversionto thelessprivihavior.The marginal
legedmembersof his owngroup.This can be notedin the hostile
attitudeof somesubgroupsof the Negroesor otherraces against
oftheirownrace,andthehard-of-hearing
againstthedeaf.
members
for
the
marginalman can
To someextentbehaviorsymptomatic
easilyshifted
be foundin the adolescent.He too is oversensitive,
sensitiveto the

fromone extremeto the other,and particularly

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FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

883

ofhisyounger
fellows.Indeed,hispositionis sociologishortcomings
callythe same as thatof the marginalman: he does not wishto
belonganylongerto a groupwhichis, afterall,lessprivileged
than
thegroupof adults,but at the same timehe knowsthathe is not
fullyacceptedby the adults.The similarities
betweentheposition
ofthemembers
oftheunderprivileged
and theadolescent
minority
and betweentheirbehaviorseemsto me so greatthatone might
characterize
thebehaviorofthemarginalmembers
oftheminority
groupas thatofpermanent
adolescence.
of theadolescentin thefollowWe mightsumup our discussion
ingmanner:

a) The basic factconcerning
thegeneralsituationof theadolescentcanbe represented
as thepositionofa personduringlocomotion
fromone regionto another.This includes(i) the wideningof the
life-space(geographically,
socially,and in timeperspective[Figs.
I, 2, and 31) and (ii) the cognitively
unstructured
characterof the
newsituation(Fig. 2).
the adolescenthas a socialposib) Somewhatmorespecifically,
tion"between"theadultand thechild,similarto a marginalmemberofan underprivileged
minority
group(Fig. 4, b).
c) Thereare stillmorespecificfactorsinvolvedin adolescence,
such as the new experiences
withone's own body,whichcan be
represented
as the baffling
changeof a centralregionof the establishedlife-space.
Fromthisrepresentation
onecan deriveconceptually:
I. The adolescent'sshyness,sensitivity,
and aggressiveness,
owand instability
ofground(followsfroma, b, and
ingto unclearness

c).

II. A moreor less permanent
conflict
betweenthe variousattifromb).
tudes,values,ideologies,
andstylesofliving(follows
III. Emotionaltensionresultingfromthese conflicts(follows
froma, b,andc).
IV. Readinessto takeextreme
attitudesand actionsand to shift
froma, b,andc).
hispositionradically(follows
V. The "adolescentbehavior"shouldappearonlyifthestructure
and dynamicofthefieldis suchas represented
by a, b, and c. The
degreeand particulartypeofbehaviorshoulddependuponthede-

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884

THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

greeofrealization
ofthisstructure
anduponthestrength
oftheconflicting
forces.Aboveall, thedegreeofdifference
and ofseparation

betweenadultsand children
fora particular
whichis characteristic
cultureis important;
also,theextentto whichtheparticular
adolesin thepositionof a marginalman. According
centfindshimself
to
fieldtheory,actual behaviordependsupon everypartof the field.
ofthe adolescentshouldbe
It followsthatthedegreeofinstability
greatlyinfluenced
also by such factorsas generalstabilityor inoftheparticular
individual.
stability
III
BeforeI discussthemethodological
aspectofourexample,I wish
to illustrate
by an additionalexampleoneparticular
point,namely,
ofeventsand objectsbytheirinterdependence
thecharacterizations
or dissimilarity
of appearance.Alratherthan by theirsimilarity
readyin the exampleof adolescence,onlysucha proceduremade
possiblethe linkingof such divergentfactorsas group-belongingness,bodilychanges,andattitudes.
involved
To mymind,it is hopelessto linkthedifferent
problems

in a propermannerby usingclassificatory
in socialpsychology
conceptsof thetypeof theLinneansystemin botany.Instead,social
of "constructs."These
will have to use a framework
psychology
do notexpress"phenotypical"
but so-called
constructs
similarities,
definedas "typesofreactions"
"dynamical"properties-properties
In otherwords,theseconstructs
or "typesofinfluences."
represent
The transition
fromphenotypical
certaintypesofinterdependence.
constructs
based
conceptsto dynamic(genetic,
conditional-reactive)
on interdependence
is, to mymind,one ofthemostimportant
prerequisitesfor any sciencewhichwishesto answerquestionsof
is in the midstof a processof transition
causation.Psychology
to
of
and

have
thistype concept.Socialpsychology, sociology
too,will
in thisdirection.It is truethatsucha transition
to turndefinitely
amountofphenocan be madeonlyifand whenthereis a sufficient
andclassificatory
workhasbeendone. This
typical"facts"gathered
seemsnowto havebeenreachedbothin psychology
state,however,
andinsociology.
of thisshiftto conAs an exampleof the typeand importance

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FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

885

of
I mightpointto thedefinition
structsbasedon interdependence,
the
in
will
be
used

extensively
this
Since
concept
"social group."
to briefremarks.
articlebyMr. Lippitt,I canlimitmyself
of the concept"group"has a somewhatchaotic
The definition
and metaphysiwithphilosophical
history.The termis interwoven
waswhether
Oneofthemainpointsofdiscussion
cal considerations.
an
mind
and
therefore
entityover
is
or not thegrouphas a group
and above the individual.Besides this,the discussionwas domibetween
by the emphasisupon the difference
nated frequently
whetherone has to deal merelywith
and Gesellschaft,
Gemeinschaft
or whetherthereexistssomething
mattersof formalorganization
likea "naturalgroupunity,"basedon suchfactorsas empathy.

development
whohas observedthehistorical
To thepsychologist
mostof the
of the conceptof "whole,"or Gestalt,in psychology,
familiar.It
about thegroupmindsoundsstrangely
argumentation
thata dynamic
tookpsychology
manystepsbeforeit was discovered
oftheir
fromtheproperties
whichare different
wholehas properties
recently(in
partsor fromthe sum of theirparts. Even relatively
made
the statementwas frequently
the earlyGestaltpsychology)
that"the wholeis morethanthesumof its parts." Today sucha
can be considered
hardlyadequate. The wholeis not
formulation
properties.
"more"thanthe sum of its parts,but it has different
fromthesumofits
shouldbe: "The wholeis different
The statement
ofvalueof

parts." In otherwords,theredoesnotexista superiority
the whole.Both wholeand parts are equallyreal. On the other
of its own. This statement
properties
hand,the wholehas definite
has lost all its magichalo and has becomea simplefactofscience,
sinceit was discoveredthatthisholdsalso forphysicalpartsand
todayrecogwholes(Koehler,citedin 6). In addition,psychology
of
unity:there
dynamic
of
all
degrees
there
exist
wholes
nizesthat
of independent
objects;then
aggregates
exist,on the one extreme,
wholesof smalldegreesof unity,of mediumdegreesof unity,of a
wholesofsucha
at theotherextreme,
highdegreeofunity;finally,
highdegreeofunitythatitis hardlyadequateto speakofparts.
valueintheconceptofgroupmind
hasbeenofscientific
Whatever

ofdynamical
problems
resolvesitselfintotheconcreteand familiar
andsocialpsychology.
wholesinsociology

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886

THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

of a groupas a dynamicwholeshouldincludea defiConceiving
nitionofgroupwhichis based on interdependence
of themembers
(orbetter,ofthesubpartsofthegroup).It seemsto me ratherimportantto stressthispointbecausemanydefinitions
ofa groupuse
the similarity
of groupmembersas the constituent
factorrather
than theirdynamicinterdependence.
Frequently,forinstance,a
groupis definedas composedofa numberofpersonswhoshowcertain similarities,
particularly
a similarity
of attitudes.I thinkone
shouldrealizethatsucha definition
is principally

different
froma
definition
ofa groupbasedon interdependence
ofitsmembers.It is
verypossiblethata numberofpersonshave a certainsimilarityforinstance,
ofsex,ofrace,ofeconomic
position,
ofattitudes-without beinga groupin thesenseofbeinginterdependent
partsofone
socialwhole.For instance,womenall overthe world,or unskilled
or the farmers,
workers,
mayshowa certainamountof similarity.
It mightevenbe possibletopickouta groupofNegroesinLouisiana,
poor whitetrashin Kentucky,and peasantsin China withgreat
It mightbe properto distinguish,
economicsimilarity.
in thisrespect,"types" or "classes."3However,that does not implythat
thesenumbersof personsare interdependent
to any greatextent.
in moderntimesis forsome of these
One of the developments
economicalclassesto showan increasing
degreeofinterdependence,
in
i.e., theyshow trends the directionof developmentto internationalgroups.
A group,on theotherhand,doesnotneedto consistofmembers
whichshowgreatsimilarity.
As a matteroffact,it holdsforsocial

groups,as forwholesinanyfield,thata wholeofveryhighdegreeof
unitymaycontainverydissimilar
parts.Doubtless,forinstance,a
man,wife,and babywithinone familymayshowmuchgreaterdisthan each of the membersof thisgroupshowsto other
similarity
individuals(babies,men,women)outsideofthisgroup.The degree
ofunityofa groupgoes,byno means,handin handwiththedegree
ofitsmembers.It is typicalofwell-organized
ofsimilarity
groupsof
whichare difhighdegreeofunityto includea varietyofmembers
3 Theterm
group
"socialclass"is usedgenerally
todesignate
bothaninterdependent
ofpersons
whoshowsimilar
anda number
properties.

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FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

887

ferent

andhavedifferent
functions
withinthewhole.Not similarity,
buta certaininterdependence
ofmembers
constitutes
a group.
One shouldrealizethat even a definition
of group-membership
by equalityof goal or equalityof an enemyis stilla definition
by
similarity.
The sameholdsforthedefinition
ofa groupby thefeelingofloyaltyor ofbelongingness
oftheirmembers.However,such
an equality,as wellas theequalityofgoal or ofenemy,constitutes
sometimes,
also,a certaininterdependence
ofthepersonswhoshow
ifone wishesto use the feelingofbethesesimilarities.
Therefore,
longingas thecriterion
ofa group,onecan do so,ifonepointsto the
interdependence
establishedby thisfeeling.However,one should
realizethatloyaltyorfeeling
ofbelongingness
is onlyoneofa variety
ofpossibletypesof interdependence
whichmayconstitute

a group
(othersare, e.g., economicdependence,love, livingtogetherin a
certainarea). The kind of interdependence
of the members(i.e.,
whatholdsthegrouptogether)
is equallyas important
a characteristicofa groupas thedegreeoftheirinterdependence
and thegroup
structure.
or dissimilarity,
ratherthaninterdependence,
Stressing
similarity
is typicalforthe descriptive
"classificatory"
epoch,whichcan be
observedin a relativelyearlystageof development
in practically
everyscience(I9). It governsalso,to a largedegree,theeveryday
thinking
betweenwhatpeople
concerning
groups.The discrepancy
"shoulddo,iftheywouldbe guidedby theirrealinterest,"
andwhat
do
is
the
causedby
factthata personfeels

theyactually
frequently
himselfbelongingto thoseto whomhe is similaror to whomhe
wishesto be similar.On theotherhand,his "real interest"would
demandthathe shouldfeelbelonging
to thoseuponwhomhis dependenceis greatest.Thus, the behaviorof personsbelongingto
underprivileged
groupscan hardlybe understood
withoutrealizing
in sucha groupis determined
thatthemembership
by actualinterbut thatmanyunderprivileged
dependence
personsfeelthemselves
(andoftenare)moresimilartopeopleoutsidethatgroup(I 7).
In relationto the problemof group-belongingness,
as wellas to
onemustbecomesensitive
to thedifference
anyothersocialproblem,
of
betweenconceptsbasedon interdependence
(including
similarity
and thosebased on similarity
withoutinterdeinterdependence)

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888

OF SOCIOLOGY
THE AMERICANJOURNAL

pendence.I am persuadedthat in the furtherdevelopmentof
willmoreand morepertheformer
sociologyand socialpsychology
vadeandguide.
CONCLUSIONS

of theproblemof adolescenceand the
This cursoryexamination
of "social group" is meant to illustratethe following
definition
approach:
thefield-theoretical
generalpointsconcerning
mannera varietyoffactsof
a) It is possibleto linkin a definite
point
which,froma classificatory
individualand socialpsychology
ofview,seemto have verylittlein common(suchas theprocessof
planning,problemsof
timeperspective,
learningand orientation,
conflicts
and tension,group-belongingness

individualmaturation,
man,andbodilychanges).
and themarginal
b) This can be accomplishedby the use of constructswhich
rather
objectsand eventsin termsofinterdependence
characterize
It may seemthat
or dissimilarity.
similarity
thanofphenotypical
will make the problemof classificainterdependence
emphasizing
to
it is moredifficult
because,generally,
tion even moredifficult
on
and
its
affected
being
in
of
its
others
effect
describea fact terms
thanin termsofitsapproperties)
byothers(itsconditional-genetic

properties).However,as soonas onegrasps
pearance(phenotypical
an objector
the idea, it becomesevidentthatif one characterizes
of
fact
is placed
the
everytype
eventby thewayit affects situation,
to anyotherfactwhich
on thesameleveland becomesinterrelated
ornotoneis permitted
ofwhether
affects
thesituation.The problem
to combine,e.g., conceptsof values withthoseof bodilyweight,
withthesimpletruththatbothfactsinvanisheswhenconfronted
thesamesituation.
fluence
The transitionto constructswhich expressinterdependence
includes:
shouldgraduoffactsby "classification"
c) The systematization
"derivation,"
allybe replacedby an orderbasedon "construction,"
oflaws(21).
and "axiomatization"
d) It is possibleto takeintoaccount"general"trends,as wellas
(forinstance,to

more"specific"onesinvariousdegreesofspecificity
fromone regionto anotherto
linkthegeneralfactoroflocomotion
to an unknownregion,or to a
the morespecificone oflocomotion

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FIELD TIHEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

889

to thestate
and finally
locomotion
fromone socialgroupto another,
ofthemarginalman"between"twogroups).Insteadofpickingout
isolatedfacts,and lateron tryingto "synthesize"them,the total
fromthe besituationis taken into accountand is represented
meansa method
approach,therefore,
ginning.The field-theoretical
specifiof"gradualapproximation"
by wayofa stepwiseincreasing
city.Pickingout isolatedfactswithina situationmaylead easily
represento a picturewhichis entirely
distorted.A field-theoretical
correctat

tation,on theotherhand,can and shouldbe essentially
anydegreeofperfection.
e) Whetheror nota certaintypeofbehavioroccursdependsnot
on the presenceor absenceof one factor of a numberof factsas
and forces)
(structure
viewedin isolationbutupontheconstellation
of the specificfieldas a whole.The "meaning"of the singlefact
dependsuponits positionin thefield;or,to say the samein more
partsof a fieldare mutuallyinterdynamicalterms,the different
in socialpsychology.
importance
dependent.Thisis offundamental
ofruraland urban
e.g.,theeffect
It goesa goodwayin explaining,
schoolsand orphanages(5, 25,
surroundings
(i, 13, 24), of nursery
ofintelligence,
theeffect
or,moregenerally,
26),on thedevelopment
tenof the stateof the environment
(its degreeof differentiation,
sion,etc.) on the stateof theperson,becausepersonand environfield.
mentarebothpartsofonedynamical
of a fieldas a whole,suchas its degreeof diff) The properties
and its atmosphere,
shouldbe emphasized

its fluidity,
ferentiation,
sufficiently.
of sociopsychological
factsby dynamic
g) The representation
constructs
permitsderivationof the conditionswhich influence
or theotherand of the conditionsunder
behaviorin one direction
which"exceptions"shouldbe expected.It coverstheusual case as
one.
wellas theexceptional
there
approachare correct,
h) If theviewsofthefield-theoretical
a greatnumberof
experimentally
is a goodprospectofapproaching
seemedout of reach: if the patternof
problemswhichpreviously
moreimportant
thetotalfieldis generally
than,forinstance,size,it
socialconstellations
experibecomespossibleto studyfundamental
mentallyby "transposing"theminto an appropriategroup-size.

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890

THE AMERICAN JOURNALOF SOCIOLOGY

a changewhich
understands
by"transposition"
(Gestaltpsychology
characteristics
unaltered[6].) If the
leaves the essentialstructural
he doesnotneed
is able to createsucha transposition,
experimenter
to be afraidof creating"artificial,""unlifelike"situations.(Exifmerelyone or anotherfactoris realperiments
becomeartificial
ized,butnottheessentialpattern.)
points,
Finally,I shouldlike to stresscertainmethodological
one concerning
theconimportance,
whichseemto meofparticular
and sociology,
anotherconcerning
ceptualtoolsofsocialpsychology
theirtechniqueof facta thirdconcerning
theirresearchprogram,
finding.

inpsychology
and sociology
should
i) It is truethatall constructs
to each
be operational(2); i.e., it shouldbe possibleto co-ordinate
of themobservablefactsor procedures.However,it is equallyimof the constructs,
i.e., their
portantthatthe conceptualproperties
The latter
be welldetermined.
interrelations,
logical-mathematical
I think,has beenrelatively
inpsychology.
moreneglected
necessity,
One of themostimportant
amongtheseconceptualproblemsis
the psychological
or
a geometry
whichis able to represent
finding
socialfieldadequately.
factswhich
ofco-existing
has to dealwitha multitude
Psychology
andhavea relativepositionto eachother;inmatheareinterrelated

knowsa
maticalterms,it has to deal witha "space." Mathematics
questionas to
typesofspaces. It is an empirical
varietyofdifferent
is best suitedto represent
the dynamical
what kindof geometry
ofthatrealmoffactswhichis treatedina particular
interdependence
science.SinceEinsteinit has beenknownthatEuclideangeometry,
was theonlygeometry
whichpreviously
appliedin physics,is not
for
the
fitted
best
representing empiricalphysical space. For
a recently
called
geometry,
developednonquantitative
psychology,
in dealingwithproblemsof
"topology,"can be used satisfactorily
field(i8). This spaceperand positionin a psychological
structure
of the positioninsideor outsideof a certain
mitsrepresentation

region,therelationbetweenpartsand whole,and a greatnumberof
All of this is done in a mathematically
structural
characteristics.
exactway but does notpresupposethe quantitativedetermination
field.The
ofsize,whichis generally
notpossiblein a psychological

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FIELD THEORY IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

89I

thosedynamical
topologicalspace is too "general"forrepresenting
disproblemswhichincludethe conceptofdirection,
psychological
morespecific
tance,or force.Theycan be treatedwitha somewhat
whichI have called"hodologicalspace" (i6). Thisspace
geometry,
precisemannerofequality
permitsus to speakin a mathematically
ofdirection,
and ofchangesin distance,withoutpreand differences
and distances,

supposingthe "measuring"of angles,directions,
field.
whichis usuallynotpossibleina sociopsychological
too,dealswitha
It is, I suppose,beyondquestionthatsociology,
facts"-in otherwords,
interdependent
"multitudeof co-existent
with the "empiricalspace."4The sociologistsand psychologists
whathasbeenlongknown,thattheempirical
space
shouldrecognize
of factsexistingat a giventime
is nothingotherthana multitude
Indeed,sociology
has
andshowing
certaintypesofinterdependence.
fora longtimeused a greatnumberof spatial concepts(such as
social approach,changein directionof action,etc.). The popular
prejudicethat the physicalspace is the only empiricalspace has
regardtheirspatialconceptsas merelyan analogy.
madesociologists
and physics
intothemeaningofspaceinmathematics
Betterinsight
that the social fieldis
shouldreadilylead to the understanding
space,whichis as "real" as a physicalone.
actuallyan empirical

is notsuitedforadequatelyrepresentEuclideanspace generally
ofa socialfield-forinstance,therelativeposition
ingthestructure
ofgroups,or a sociallocomotion.For example,in a socialfieldwhat
lineor an angleof 200 cannotbe determined
is meantby a straight
and thehodologi(at leastnotat present).However,thetopological
cal spaceare,as faras I can see,applicablewithinsociology
proper
as in psychology,
For,in sociology,
as wellas in socialpsychology.
able to determine
relationsofpartsand wholeand
oneis frequently
changesin distanceor directionwithoutbeingable to determine
relationsofsize,distance,or angle. In addition,these
quantitative
suitableforrepresenting
seemto be particularly
thepegeometries
and
of
combination
which
is
culiar
"cognitive" "dynamic"factors,
and socialfields,as wellas a number
ofpsychological

characteristic
4 This does not mean that everysociologicaltermwhichsoundsgeometricalis really
a geometricalconcept. The term "social distance," for instance,is probably not a
geometricalconcept(20).

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