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The East Asia Security Environment
in the Beginning of the Twenty-first
Century and the Adjustments in
Vietnamese Foreign Policy
Pham Quang Minh
Published online: 15 Jul 2011.

To cite this article: Pham Quang Minh (2011) The East Asia Security Environment in the Beginning
of the Twenty-first Century and the Adjustments in Vietnamese Foreign Policy, Asia-Pacific Review,
18:1, 98-108, DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2011.582681
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Asia-Pacific Review, Vol. 18, No. 1, 2011

The East Asia Security
Environment in the
Beginning of the
Twenty-first Century and
the Adjustments in
Vietnamese Foreign Policy
PHAM QUANG MINH

International relations are social actions, and their expression is behavior of the
states. According to French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, the basis for any social
action is habitus and capital (Bourdieu 1982). For Bourdieu, social action is not
created in a vacuum but always takes place under certain social conditions.
Different social conditions create different spheres that Bourdieu called action
fields. The problem is that each field has its own rules, logic and goals.
Bourdieu also uses the metaphor of game to explain the concept of field. Like
the fields each game has also its own rules and logic. In order to participate
in the game players are required to have some knowledge of game, and
capacity, skills, and last but not least the interests to play game. The field of
the Asia-Pacific region in the beginning of twenty-first century and especially

during recent years is one of “center court” of the whole world involving all
big players like the US, China, Japan, Russia and India. Their presence with
their own behavior and different abilities, interests make this field more
interesting, but at the same time more complicated and unpredictable. This
article explores the different phases of Vietnam’s foreign policy since reform
in 1986 and joining ASEAN and adoption of “Resolution No. 8 (section IX) on
the Strategy for Fatherland Defence in the New Context” in 1995.

Introduction

I

n recent years, the security environment of the East Asia region witnessed many
complicated developments that worried its countries and the international com-

ISSN 1343-9006 print; 1469-2937 online/11/010098–11
Routledge Publishing, Taylor and Francis,http//www.informaworld.com/.
# Institute for International Policy Studies, />DOI: 10.1080/13439006.2011.582681

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The East Asia Security Environment in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century

munity. The question is whether these developments are continuity or change.
This question is important because it helps us in defining the level and characteristics of these events so that we can make the appropriate readjustments in making
policy. I argue that the developments in the recent security environment of the
region represent both continuity and change that require serious, fundamental,

and comprehensive studies in the future. The main objective of this article is to
analyze the current regional security environment and to assess the readjustments
in the Vietnamese foreign policy toward the region. The article consists of four
parts. The first part analyses some main trends in the security environment focusing on the flux in the regional security environment mixes of different actors and
trends. The second part of the article presents the gradual adjustments in Vietnamese foreign policy in the period of 1986-2000 since Vietnam launched the
reforms (Doi moi), in which the event of Vietnam joining ASEAN is considered
as only the first step of the long integration process into the region. The third part
will assess the regional policy of Vietnam in the period of 2001-2010 of which the
Eight Resolutions of the Central Committee of the Vietnam Communist Party
(CPV) on “The Strategy on the Fatherland Defense in the New Circumstances”
issued in 2003 on the Eighth Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPV is considered a turning point in Vietnamese foreign policy. The fourth part of the article
will provide some suggestions to strengthen the security cooperation between
Vietnam and the regional countries. The paper concludes with evidence that
step-by-step, Vietnam is evolving in an emerging regional security mechanism
and is endeavoring to play an active and constructive role.

Recent security challenges in the Asia-Pacific region
How is the field of Asia-Pacific in the beginning of the twenty-first century characterized? In the report “Southeast Asia: Patterns of Security Cooperation” published
by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute on September 30, 2010, Professor
Carlyle Thayer analyzed the characteristics of the Southeast Asia strategic environment as being shaped by eight major trends. They include “the global economic and
financial crisis, China’s military modernization and transformation, the United
States stepped-up engagement, increased arms procurements, the heightened
importance of the maritime domain, the increasing salience of transnational security issues, the persistence of ‘everyday security challenges,’ and the evolution of the
regional security architecture” (Thayer 2010: 2).
Among these characteristics in the field of the Asia-Pacific, the most obvious
trend is the dynamics of the emerging regional security architecture. The complicated circumstances of the Asia-Pacific region is explained by a series of factors.
(Ikenberry and Mastaduno 2003). Among these factors there are different points of
view on their nature and level. First, according to liberalism, the regional peaceful
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environment is threatened mainly because of the lack of of three factors: liberal
democracies, economic interdependence, and multilateral institutions. Second,
according to realism, the rise of China and consequently the power shift will
create conflicts among big powers in reconstructing the regional order. In the
meantime, neorealism points out the possibility of a multipolar order leading to
challenges for securing a balance of power in a peaceful way (Friedberg 1993/
1994). Among evolving big powers it is obvious that Asia-Pacific is the field
where competition takes place mainly between the US, China, Japan, and
Russia. In the competition for power between and among them, the dominant
and main trend is between only the first two while the latter two still lack the geopolitical premises to become new poles in the Asia-Pacific political game (Ross
2010). That’s why most scholars are of the opinion that in the Asia-Pacific
region there will be a bipolar order in which China would be one pole having dominance on the mainland while the US would be the other pole, but on the sea
(Thayer 2009; Ross 2010; M. Cook et al. 2010). While emphasizing the
primacy of both US and China in the Asia-Pacific region, another more careful
consideration of the region security dynamics during the last decade shows that
there could be also two other scenarios, namely a balance and a concert of
powers. An Asian balance of power would consist of big powers in the region
like the US, China, Japan, and India, and its aim would be to prevent a single
power from achieving dominance. An Asian concert of powers would be established based on a shared agreement among big powers and would try to prevent

a hegemonic war (Cook et al. 2010).
In short, the current security environment of the Asia-Pacific is at a crossroads
combined and shaped by different patterns. The first is security cooperation
between the US and its allies, strategic partners, and promising strategic partners,
making a strategic arc from the north to the south with the US as a hub and the
others as spokes. The second possibility of security cooperation would be led
by China. The third is the endeavors of ASEAN in establishing a regional security
mechanism. And last but not least there is multilateral defense cooperation
between outside powers and some Southeast Asian countries like the cooperation
between Britain, Australia, New Zealand with Malaysia and Singapore, and the
anti-piracy campaign initiated by Japan. (Thayer 2010:13-18).

Joining ASEAN (1995)—the first integration step into
Asia-Pacific region of Vietnam
The main question is whether all countries including Vietnam can be aware of these
changes and challenges so that they can make appropriate decisions for themselves.
Despite its Southeast Asian geographical location, Vietnam just became a member
of ASEAN in the middle of the 1990s. Therefore, the ASEAN membership could be
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The East Asia Security Environment in the Beginning of the Twenty-first Century

considered a turning point in Vietnam’s perception of the world as well as its foreign
policy toward the region. It is necessary to say that during a very short time,
Vietnam has had timely and logical readjustments meeting with both internal and
external challenges. However, it was a long, gradual, and not a one-way process
in perception changes of Vietnam on the region and the world.
Before 1986, when Vietnam officially launched the renovation policy, the resolutions of the Sixth National Congress of the Vietnam Communist Party still
defined Vietnam as a member of the Communist camp led by the Soviet Union,
and the relationship with the Soviet Union was a cornerstone in its foreign
policy (VCP 1987). The end of the Cold War and the collapse of Eastern European
countries and the Soviet Union by the end of 1991 shocked Vietnamese leaders
and forced them to rethink their points of views. Facing this situation, the VCP
in its Seventh Congress in 1991 decided to follow a multilateral foreign policy
and diversify its relations with other countries to help Vietnam escape the
embargo which the US had imposed on Vietnam since Vietnam’s involvement
in the Cambodian conflict in 1978. As evidence of the diversification of foreign
relations, Vietnam reconsidered its relations with neighboring countries by deciding to apply for membership in ASEAN in 1992. It was not an easy decision for
either Vietnam or ASEAN. The Vietnam War, the post-war refugee problem, and
especially the intervention of Vietnam in the Cambodia conflict cast a gloom over
Southeast Asia. A hostile and distrustful environment dominated the region until
Vietnam decided to draw back all its military forces from Cambodia in November
1989 through resolution Number 13 of the VCP Politburo. It opened the door for
multilevel dialogues between ASEAN and Vietnam, between Cambodian parties,
and between big powers including the US, Soviet Union, and China. The Paris
conference in November 1991 put an end to the Cambodian conflict and laid
the foundation for a long peace in Southeast Asia. The following events happened
as the outcomes of mutual interests of both ASEAN and Vietnam. In October
1993, Do Muoi—Secretary General of VCP—during his visit to Singapore, proclaimed the new four-point-policy toward Southeast Asia. They included: First,
Vietnam follows an independent, self-controlled, and multilateral foreign
policy; second, to attach high importance to expand friendly relations with

countries in the Asia-Pacific, with ASEAN and to join ASEAN at an appropriate
moment; third, Vietnam indicated readiness to participate in bilateral and multilateral political and security dialogues with regional states; fourth, intention for
peaceful negotiation for conflict resolution including the dispute in the South
China Sea. In comparison to the old four-point-policy toward Southeast Asia proclaimed by the Vietnamese government in 1976, the new policy showed that
Vietnam was ready to cooperate with ASEAN on a basis of more trust and confidence. From its side, ASEAN also welcomed the Vietnamese application, considering this important for strengthening the Association. On July 28, 1995 Vietnam
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was admitted to ASEAN. According to Foreign Minister Nguyen Manh Cam,
joining ASEAN was explained mainly by the fact that Vietnam needed to
secure a peaceful environment for economic development, especially in the
context that Vietnam was transforming its central-planned economy model to a
market economy (Nguyen Manh Cam 1996). In addition, ASEAN membership
could enhance the position of Vietnam in international negotiations and meetings.
Especially in the context of the collapse of Soviet Union and Communist camp,
ASEAN membership helped Vietnam in overcoming the period of isolation
from the regional and international community and related identity crisis.
However, frankly speaking, the participation of Vietnam in the region during
this period was still very limited. Celebrating one year after joining ASEAN, the
official resolution of the VIII National Congress of the VCP in 1996 reserved for

this event only one sentence: “to make every effort for strengthening the relationship with neighboring countries and the countries members of ASEAN” (VCP
1996: 121). However, this “modest” guideline of the VCP could be explained
by the fact that Vietnam recently joined ASEAN, and the country did not have
much experience in regional cooperation, and there was a big gap in economic
development and political institutions between Vietnam and other countries.
However, it could be understood that there was still a suspicion and distrust in
the relationship between Vietnam and ASEAN and other countries in the
region. On the whole, one year after joining ASEAN, Vietnam was still not yet
confident in its capacity, and not yet familiar with the region and with ASEAN.
Therefore, in the communique´ number 17-TB/TU on October 30, 1996, the Politburo of VCP insisted on the principles in relations with the countries of ASEAN as
follows. On one hand, Vietnam has “to firm the independent, self-control foreign
policy, to follow multilateral and diversified external relations,” but on the other
hand it needed to gather all forces for maintaining independence, sovereignty and
peaceful environment to build up the country” (Cuc Luu tru 1996). Carefully analyzing the communique´ of the Politburo of the VCP helped facilitated understanding of how the position and the role of Vietnam were considered unclear and
passive. Mentioning the challenges of Vietnam’s relations with ASEAN countries
during this period, the Communique´ used the phrase: “to fall in line with the
regional market,” showing passivity, but not “integrate in the regional market”
indicating initiative by Vietnam as an active player.

The Resolution on the Strategy for Fatherland
Defense in the New Context (2003): A turning point
in Vietnam’s policy toward the region
After an initial period of integration, and especially after challenges such as the
Asian financial crisis in 1997 and the terrorist attack on America on September
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11, 2001, the VCP was able to review its foreign policy and determine its strategy
for the future.
In contrast to the previous period, the beginning of the twenty-first century
marked the change of Vietnam’s position and capacity. If, in 1996, Vietnam
just expressed its willingness “to be friends with other countries,” in 2001
Vietnam stated its wish not only “to be friends” but also to be a “reliable
partner of other countries.” (VCP 2001:42.)
Among partners and countries, for the first time Vietnam adjusted its foreign
strategy to improve friendly relations with neighboring countries and to promote
coherence within ASEAN. On July 23, 2001, in the opening remarks delivered to
the 34th ASEAN Foreign Minister Meeting in Hanoi, Vietnamese Premier Minister Phan Van Khai confirmed that Vietnam considered ASEAN as an important
component of Vietnam’s foreign policy and international cooperation, in which
active international economical integration has a decisive role and the motto is
to be the friend and reliable partner of all countries striving for peace, independence and development of the world (Hoc vien Quan he quoc te 2002:191).
This fundamental principle was confirmed strongly in a series of meetings, in
the remarks of government’s and party’s leaders, and was clearly represented in
the Resolution No 07-NQ/TW on November 27, 2001 “On International Economic Integration” (VCP 2004:120).
If international economic integration is a long term strategy, the day-by-day
happenings force the VCP to make frequent adjustments appropriate to the reality.
This is absolutely essential in the case of the Asia-Pacific, as the region is one of
the most dynamic and complicated ones in the world. A competition for enlargement of the influence sphere in the region among and between big powers began
after the end of the Cold war, but has intensified with a higher tempo since the
beginning of the twenty-first century.

The “center court” of the race takes place mainly between China—a rising
power on mainland—on the one side and the US,—“an invited empire”—a maritime power on the other side. The first tries to build up a new multilateral regional
order through opposing “the enlargement of the existing bilateral military alliances in Asia-Pacific, which were left over from the Cold War” (Ma Xiaotian
2009) and the latter would like to consolidate the military bilateral relations
with its alliances through a “hub and spokes model.” This race influenced
deeply the peace and cooperation in the region, and escalated tension in problems
on the Korean peninsula, the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea, and has negative impacts on ASEAN consensus and unity.
Faced with the new situation, in July 2003 the VCP called a meeting of the 8th
Central Committee (Section IX) to discuss a new security strategy for Vietnam.
The outcome of the meeting was “The Resolution on Strategy for Fatherland

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Defense in the new context.” The complicated context transformed from a bipolar
order of the Post-Cold War era, when the game had just begun and the players still
explored each other; there was not a clear constellation, and it was not easy to
determine how to play the game and who shared the same ideas. In this
context, Resolution No 8 (Section IX) provided for the first time the new
definitions different from previous ones in Vietnamese foreign policy. For

example, relating to the question of partner (doi tac) and opponent (doi tuong),
the Resolution explained:
“Everyone who advocates to respect independence, sovereignty and to
promote friendly, equal and mutual interest relationship and cooperation with
Vietnam is considered our partner; everyone who shows conspiracy and action
to against the objectives of our country to build up and to defense the fatherland
is opponent that was to be fought” (Cuc Luu tru 2003:17).
It is necessary to say that the previous determination of “ours and yours” in
Vietnamese policy was based mainly on the assumption of Marxist class struggle
and ideology, and was influenced deeply by the division of the world into two
poles and camps. However, the Resolution No.8 also reminded: “It is necessary
to have a dialectical point of view: in every opponent there may be some elements
that (we) could cooperate with and take advantage of; in some partners there may
be differences and conflicts. Based on these facts, it is needed to overcome both
trends, namely being vague and lacking of vigilance or being inflexible in perception, guideline and in dealing with concrete situation” (Cuc Luu tru 2003:18). It
may be said that since the beginning of Renovation in 1986, Resolution No. 8
(Section IX) of the VCP was the second strategically important document after
Resolution No. 13 (Section VII) in Vietnamese foreign policy. It determined the
main principles and guidelined of Vietnamese foreign policy toward other
countries that may have different political systemd and economic levels of development. In an interview on January 8, 2011 for Vietnam net, the most popular on
line newspaper in Vietnam, Lt.General Nguyen Chi Vinh, the Deputy Defense
Minister of Vietnam, stated: “I believe that the Resolution No.8 will ecome a historical document in the Fatherland defense history like the Resolution No. 15
during the war against America” (Nguyen Chi Vinh 2011).

Some suggestions for further cooperation
Since “The Resolution No. 8 (Section IX) on the Strategy for Fatherland Defence
in the new context” was issued, Vietnam became more active and confident in the
game of the Asia-Pacific region and in the relationship with other countries, organizations, and in dealing with regional and international problems.
As chairman of ASEAN in 2010, Vietnam was able to show other countries its
capacity and skills to approach complicated questions and deal with different

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actors with different interests through successful organization of a series of meetings such as the ASEAN Summit, ASEAN Regional Forum meeting, East Asia
Summit, and ASEAN Defense Minister Meeting plus, just to name a few.
While the prestige of Vietnam is increasing and the trust of international community is growing, Vietnam should use international and regional forums to propose
initiatives to gain their support.
From a regional perspective, Vietnam should consider ASEAN as a priority
in its foreign policy having equal importance as its relations with big powers.
The reason is that ASEAN played and is playing a role of “centrality” and
“driving force” in the process of building of new security architecture. It is an
important moment when there are only four years left for ASEAN to fulfill
the goal of building up ASEAN community. During the East Asia Summit in
October 2010 in Hanoi, Vietnam and other members agreed to invite the US
and Russia to become members of EAS in 2011. In doing so EAS will consist
of ten ASEAN members and eight non-ASEAN countries including Australia,
China, India, Japan, Korea, New Zealand, Russia, and the US. There is no
doubt that it is an important decision for an emerging multilateral security mechanism with participation of all big powers and that can replace other mechanisms
in the future.
As a littoral state, Vietnam should invest more for in a maritime strategy

because the sea is a common denominator for all countries of the Asia-Pacific
except Laos. The main development field and the future of Vietnam and other
countries will be connected with the ocean. Having more than 3,000km of
Pacific coastline, owning deep and convenient harbors, located on one of the
most crowded maritime routes of the world, Vietnam will be a place where diversified interests converge. Especially in the context of China rising, and because of
rich experience that Vietnam has had with China in the past, Vietnam gained more
attention from big powers including the US, Japan, and India as well as members
of ASEAN. Vietnam should have a multidirectional and multidimensional
approach in its relations with other countries.
In relations with ASEAN, Vietnam should follow on the one hand respecting
the principles of consensus and no interference in internal affairs, and on the other
hand trying to find the common voice in strategic and day-by-day issues of the
Association.
In relations with the US, Vietnam should promote a comprehensive relationship, especially defense cooperation including exchange of visits by high
ranking officials, arrangement of bilateral dialogues, organization of mutual
visits of navy ships, participation in different military trainings, workshops
and cooperation in ADMM plus. In particular, Vietnam needs to pay more
attention to possibility of joining the common military exercises or Trans
Pacific Partnership.
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In relations with China, Vietnam should continue the traditional relations
based on the principle of 16 words “friendly neighborhood, comprehensive,
long lasting stability and future looking orientation,” and promote understanding
between the two peoples and build up confidence through exchanges, visits, and
cooperation at different levels and forms like party-to-party, state-to-state, and
people-to-people.
In relations with Russia, Vietnam could use its traditional relations for a new
partnership in the new context through promoting Russia’s advantages in two
fields, namely in military industry and oil and gas exploration.
In relations with Japan, Vietnam should promote its presence through foreign
direct investment and foreign trade; especially provide Japan with priority for
establishment of high technology zone as driving force for future development
of Vietnam.
In relations with India, Vietnam could explore the strength of this country in
information technology and the nuclear industry.

Conclusion
In the beginning of the twenty-first century, the security environment of the AsiaPacific region witnessed many complicated manifestations, whereby more change
than continuity is evident. Among changes are the strategic competition between
China and the US; the rise of China came to the surface and makes the regional
environment more complicated. Along this mainstream there are unshakeable
endeavors of ASEAN to establish a new cooperation mechanism evolving the participation of all powers with ASEAN as driving force.
In order to play this game, Vietnam should understand its rules, players, and
first of all, have an appropriate strategy, stable politics, highly developed economy
and smart diplomacy. In addition, it is very important to have good skills to play—
that means the ability to transform challenges into chances, to turn disadvantages
into advantages, and weaknessese into strengths. With good skills one can enrich
his own “chips” to play the game.

Since launching the reform policy in 1986, Vietnam has profoundly changed
its foreign policy from a model heavily based on ideology to a model of realpolitik, especially in its policy toward the Asia-Pacific. It was a long process that went
through different phases and was influenced by both internal and external factors.
From a national security perspective, joining ASEAN in 1995 and “Resolution No.
8 (section IX) on the Strategy for Fatherland Defence in the New Context” were
considered as two turning points in Vietnamese foreign policy to meet with unpredictable changes.
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About the author
After having received a PhD in Southeast Asian Studies from Humboldt University
in Berlin (Germany) in 2002, Pham Quang Minh became Vice Dean and then Dean
of the Faculty of International Studies, Vietnam National University-Hanoi, a wellknown university in the country. He is the co-coordinator of several international
projects such as “Vietnam’s accession into the WTO” supported by the German
Konrad Adenauer Foundation, “Renovating the Undergraduate Teaching of International Relations/Studies in Vietnam” supported by the Ford Foundation, and
the EU through the Eyes of Asia” supported by Asia-Europe Foundation, just
some to name. His dissertation was on land reform in Vietnam from 1950s to the

1980s, which is still a topic of debate in the modern history of Vietnam, and was
published in Germany in 2002.
Prof. Pham Quang Minh’s current main teaching and research interests, among the
other things, are world politics, international relations of Asia-Pacific, and Vietnam’s foreign policy. He is author of many articles published both in Vietnam
and abroad. His most recent publications are “Teaching International Relations in
Vietnam: Chances and Challenges” (Journal International Relations of the AsiaPacific, Oxford University Press, Vol. 9, no.1 [2009]:131-155), “Images and Perceptions of the EU in Vietnam: Media, Elite and Public Opinion Perspectives” in:
Martin Holland, Natalia Chaban and Peter Ryan (eds.); The EU through the Eyes
of Asia, volume 2, New Cases, New Findings, World Scientific, Singapore 2009,
pp.53-91; “The Meaning of the Complete Collection of Party Documents”
(Journal of Vietnamese Studies, The University of California Press, Vol.5, Issue 2
[2010]: 208-218), and “The South China sea security problem: towards regional
cooperation” (Asia Europe Journal, Vol.8, No 3, [2010]: 427-434).

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