DSpace at VNU: Japanese village in documents of Shõens and comparative approach with Vietnamese village

VNU Journal of Science, S o d al Sciences and H um anities 25, No.5E (2009) 37-45

Japanese village in documents o f Shõens
and comparative approach with Vietnamese village
Phan Hai Linh*
Cơllege o f Social Sciences and Humanities, VNU
336 Nguyen Trai, Thanh Xuan, Hanoi, Vietnam
R e c e iv e d 12 M a y 2 0 0 9

A b s tr a c t. S in c e 1 9 9 0 s, J a p a n e s e S tu d ie s in V ie tn a m h a ve o b ta in e d m a n y s a lie n t a c h ie v e m e n ts,
e sp e c ia lly in th e s tu d ie s o f e c o n o m ic s , p o litic s, c u ltu re , h isto ry a n d the re la tio n s h ip b e tw e e n Ja p a n
a n d V ie tn a m etc. In a d d itio n , a c o m p a ra tiv e a p p ro a c h to th e stu d ie s o f J a p a n a n d V ie tn a m is a
h ig h ly p o te n tia l d ừ e c tio n .
T h is p a p e r is đ iv id e d in to tw o p a rts . T h e fírst p a rt íb c u s e s o n a n a ly z in g d o c u m e n ts o f the
villag es in tw o M e d ie v a l J a p a n e s e s h õ e n s n a m e ly O y a m a a n d H in e , w h ic h w e h a v e s tu d ie d q u ite
ca re fu lly . T h e o th e r p a r t p ro v id e s so m e in itia l c o m p a ra tiv e re m a rk s o n J a p a n e s e v illa g e s a n d
V ie tn a m e se o n e s u n d e r th e d y n a s tie s o f L y - T ra n - Le. O n th e b a s is o f in itia l a n a ly sis, w e have
fo u n d th a t d o c u m e n ta ry c o m p a ris o n (in c lu d in g h isto ric a l, a rc h e o lo g ic a l, g e o lo g ic a l m a te ria ls, e tc .)
o n the h is to ry o f th e tw o c o u n tr ie s ’ v illa g e s is a p o te n tia l s tu d y d ừ e c tio n , p a rtic u la rly the issu e s o n
v illa g e ’s re g u la tio n s, o rg a n iz a tio n s a n d th e ro le o f m a n a g e m e n t a p p a ra tu s , th e ĩu n c tio n o f the
v illa g e ’s a g ric u ltu re , h a n d ic r a ữ a n d c o m m e rc e , th e ro le o f a u to n o m o u s v illa g e s a n d c o m b a t
v illa g e s in th e w a rs, a n d th e v illa g e s ’ s p iritu a l ỉives. H ovvever, w h a t m a tte rs n o w is th e m e th o d o f
c h o o s in g m a te ria l s o u rc e s , o b je c ts o f c o m p a ris o n a n d stu d y , c rite ria o f sp a c e , tim e , a n d ty p e s... W e
are in th e h o p e o f g o in g o n th e d e ta ils o f th is m a tte r in th e C orning tim e.

Since 1990, Japanese Studies in Vietnam
have recorded salient achievem ents, especially
in the studies o f econom ics, politics, culture,
history and the relationship betvveen Japan and
Vietnam ctc. In addition, com parative study is
:onsidered to be a prospective approach. By

analyzing som e m aterials on villages in
lapanese shõens in the m edieval history and
;om paring them with som e m aterials on
villages o f Vietnam under the dynasties o f Ly ĩra n - Le, this paper proposes som e suggestions

Tel.: 84-4-62510658
E-maiỉ: linh_ph@ yahoo.com

for the study o f V ietnam ese and Japanese
villages from a com parative approach.

1. Ja p a n e se villages in m a te ria ls o n shỗens
The m aterials used in this paper to study
Japanese villages in the m eđieval history (12*
C entury - 16lhC entury) were mainly documents
o f proprietors and stew ards o f lwo shõens:
Oyama(1) and H ine(2). These w ere two shõens
(I) O yam a b e lo n g c đ to th e Toji in th e S ou th ern v a lle y o f
the O yam a m ountain in the province o f Hyogo. Oyama
had existed for about 700 years (845-1508), including


38

P.H. Linh / VN U Ịoum aỉ o f Science, Soáal Sciences and Humanities 25, No.5E (2009) 37-45

th a t

had

ric h

m a teria ls

stru ctu re s c h a n g e d

and

th e ir

v illag e

slig h tly f r o m th e m e d ie v a l

1960s.

h is to ry u n til

o f B u n p o ( 1 3 1 8 ) d o c u m e n t e d a r e a s a n d t a x e s ir
d etail

o f each

n am eh o ld e r.

The

casc

o f th t

n a m e h o l d e r U m a n ọ j o I e y a s u <4> o f t h e I c h i i t a m
v illa g e ( in O y a m a s h ỏ c n ) vvas a g o o d e x a m p le :

/./ . Village structure
B ased

on

h isto rio g ra p h ica l

a rc h e o lo g ic a l
an a ly se s,

m ost

of

and
Japanese

rcse arch crs ag re c th at J a p a n e s e v illa g e s w ere
c l o s e l y o r g a n i z e d in t h e m i d t i m e o f K a m a k u r a
( 1 9 th C e n t u r y ) .
w ere

lo cal

C u ltiv a to rs

p ca sa n ts

( Hotiiciike)

and

or

in

th ese

resid e n t

v illag e s
p easan ts

“outcast peasants”.

som c

O u tc a st p e a sa n ts w e re

th o se

w ho

cam e

fro m

o n e v ill a g e to r e s i d e in a n o t h e r v i l l a g e . T h e y
h a d a lo v v e r s t a t u s t h a n lo c a l p c a s a n t s ; t h e y h a d
t o l i v e i n t h e o u t s k i r t o f t h e v i l l a g e a n d v v ere
a tta c h c d w ith b a d la b le s s u c h a s

other side o f the s l o p e
d isc rim in a tc d
so m e tim cs
th e y

and

bum cd

co u ld

be

“person otì the

They

d islo c a tc d .
by

th c

k illed

at

w ere

u su a lly

T h eir

houscs

shõen
v v o r s t.

ste w a rd s
T hese

or

w ere

Report o f Shõen Steward
Minamoto Kannesada ( H i n e n o v i l l a g e , H i n e s h d escrib ed

in

th e

õ e n ) o n J u n e 4 th i n t h e

fo u rth y e a r o f S h o w a

(1315): “...there w ere house burnings and
kilỉings; therefore, we had to stop recỉaimation

[Ieyasu was given] 8 tan 20 s h ir o (about 0.9
h e c t a r e ) , i n w h i c h 1 tan 3 0 shiro v v a s i n t h e
upper íield with tax o f 1 koku 2 to, 3 tan and 30
shiro v v a s i n t h e m i d d l e - l e v e l í ì c l d w i t h t h c t a x
o f 2 koku 5 slìO 2 go, 3 tan and 10 shiro was in
the low er field w ith thc tax o f 1 koku 4 /o 4
sho... A fter the paym ent to provincial salary
b u d g e t w a s s u b tra c te d , th e ta x a m o u n t w a s 4

koku

6

to

and 4

go...

N a m e h o ld e rs

[2, D o c u m e n t N o . 152].

in

th e

tra d itio n a l

fam ilics

w hose had a lot o f land ficlds and the Otona
(e ld e rly p e o p le ) w e r e n o m in a te d to th e C o u n c il

o f Village (satanin - executivcs). The Council
p la y e d

an

v illag e ^s

im p o rta n t
ac tiv itie s

ro lc

in

such

o rg a n iz in g

as

Ihc

re c la im a tio n ,

production and irrigation systcm im provem ent.
It w a s

w ritte n

v illag e

(O y am a

in

th e

d o cu m en ts

shõen)

th a t

th e

o f N ish itai
C o u n c il

of

V illa g e n e g o tia te d w ith its n c i g h b o r i n g v illa g e
o f M iy a d a lo m a k e a c o n tr a c t f o r w o o d -w a tc r

a n d la n d -w a te r e x c h a n g e in o r d e r to m a in ta in
th e ir a g ric u ltu ra l a c tiv itie s.

“Copy c f the coníract fo r xvatcr rcsource.
On land fo r water exchaiỉge.

At

th a t

tim e ,

o n ly

lo c al

p e a sa n ts

w ere

p c r m i t t e d to r e n t a g r i c u l t u r a l l a n d a n d p a y ta x
to

th e

la n d lo rd s.

T hey

w ere

ca lle d

Including I cho and 5 tan o f ỉand fie ld m th
a deíailed draxvings atíached.

nameholders^ . An Enumeration on Cultivatiotì
in Oyama Slìõen o n J u n e 2 2 nd i n t h e s e c o n d y e a r

The above mentioìied land fìe ld in the
N ishitai village o f Oy ama shõen belonged ío the

thrcc m ain divisions nam cly lchiitani, Nishitai and
Kamoguki.
<2) Hine, located ncar thc city o f I/.um isano, bclonged to
thc South o f Osaka. Hinc vvas property o f Fujo fam ily - the
royal family and thc dcscendant o f Fujiw ara family. This
manor had existcd or about 300 years (1234-1574) and
covered four main villagcs nam cly Trusuhara, Ihara,
Hincno and ỉnyam ada.
(3) Myodcn, scido was introduced in the 10,h C cntury in all
a rc a s undcr th c C entral g o v e r r m c n t a n d alỉ sh õ e n s.
Accordingly. lands wcrc given to vvealthy pcasants callcd
namcholdcrs vvith a prcdctcrm incd tax.

<4> Ancicnt Japanesc pcoplc uscd to havc o nly first namcs,
no ĩam ily names. Fam ily nam cs w ere givcn to aristocratic
íam ilics or thosc who servcd in thc Em pcror as titlcs or job
codcs, knovMi as Kabane. Namcs o f Japancsc pcoplc in thc
medieval tim c bccam c morc com plicatcd. They includcd

both titlcs and positions in thc family. For instance,
Fujiwara Umanojo Icyasu: Fujiw ara w as family name,
Icyasu was first nam c and Umanojo was re-N^TĨttcn from
Uem onjo (a ranking titlc), which m eant tha! this man vvas
from a aristocratic íam ily in thc region. In thc documcnts
o f O yam a shõen, he w as also knouTi as Ucmon Saburo
(another title), w hich m cant that hc w as thc third child in
thc family.


P.H. ỉ.inh ! VN U Ịournaị of Science, Social Sciences and Humanities 25, No.5E (2009) 37-4!)

Toji ÌI is dijficulĩ)ê to \vater ílìis area o f Uỉĩĩd
field; therefore, we made íhis area as a
concession to the Aíiyada shõen in exchange fo r
\\ater liìte that \\ent through Miyada shỏen to
our ỉ and. This contract, as described in the
explanation o f the residenís in Oyamci shôctì on
Apriỉ 2n(i 1173, based on the precedence that
villagers exchanged xvood fo r waícr yvitlì
Miỵada shõen. Botlì sides had agreed uith íheir
contract. Recentỉy, Miyada shõen and the uppcr
area o f the Oyama shõen have been in
disagreement. As a resulí, the \vood exploitation
and \valer supply were cancelled. Nơw, land
concession was made and wood exploitation
\vas resumed. Even thouỵlì contract HY/.S made,
since the Negorọịi and the jiío Ị$l Motokazu
dclineaíed their bounứaty, the Negorọịi lìas no
forest. Therefore, ịí has to exchange I cho 5 tan

()f ỉand jìe ỉd fo r water source. I f no water is
alỉoxvcd to use, lam! fiel(I must be returned...."
|2 . D ocum cnt N o.78].
In thc m edieval time, village’s regulations
\vcre not system atized as thosc in the 17*
C entury to 19lh C entury but basic regulations
vvcrc form cd such as regulations to classiíy
uppcr, m iddle and low cr Ticlds, to categoríze
land in the village mcluding public land for
irrígation system o f thc region; rcgulations for
village secunty or penalties for offensive
crim es...
Espccially,
rcgulations
were
institutionaiized by edicts o f shỗens owners or
other vvaưiors. These werc a basis for
rcgulations o f villages in thc m odcm history.

The lcrm jito slartcd at ihc cnd o f thc 9lh C cntury with
thc m caning o f local land and Hcỉds. For cxam plc, Jito
Qĩukari dokoro indicatcd landlords w ho m adc land
conccssions lo othcrs and bccam c shỏcn stew ards. Then,
ihis tcm i gcncrally rcícrrcd 10 landlords in thc I0,h and
I r h Ccnturics. ỉn Ihc ycar o f Bunji (1185 M inam oto
V o n to m o rc q u c s ic d ih c E m p c ro r to ISSUC th c s ta tu lc to
nssigned Jỉto %chc s ta n o f Jiioseido. Sincc thc 13lh Ccntury.
hto bccam c a tc rm to rcfcr to w arriors w ho hãd
:on!nbution to thc Jokyu disordcr (1221) and wcrc scnt to
iccurc shỏcns and tax collcction.

39

L ct’s takc an cxam plc o f thc cdict issucd by
K ụ ịo M a s a m o t o t o v i l l a g e s in t h e H i n e s h õ c n

on April 6 lh in thc year o f Bunki (1501).
“ Edict:
1. Village ọffìcials a re noi alỉo\ved to
pretext public (iu ty to pester ỉocal residents;
2. Those incỉudiììg village ọffìcials who
steaỉ more thun 3 units o f currency \vith clear
evidence \vill bi' immediately executed;
3. Village oJJìciaỉs are noí allow ed to
in/ringe upotì w ives a n d maids o f other
nam ehoìders " Ị3, p. 12].

1.2. Autonomous village
A t thc end o f Kamakura and the beginning
o f thc M uromachi (14th - 15,h Centuries),
autonom ous villages startcd in cxistence in
Japan. V illagc peasants requested landlords to
rem ove the m ediatc managcrial system and
replaced it with thcir own villagcs’ notables.
These notables werc responsiblc for land
divisions, cultivation activity reports, tax
collections and paym ents to thc lanđlords. This
transition was dcscribed in the Contract o f Land
M anagenal Rights in the Ichiilani village o f
Oyama shõcn on June 14^ in the second ycar o f

Bunpo (1318).
44A rcport to the Toji on annual lax payment
o f Ichiitani villagc o f Oyama shõen in the
provincc o f Tamba.
Including 8 cho 3 tan and 30 slĩiro, o f
vvhich:
3 cho 3 tan was in the uppcr field with tax
ra te o f 7 to 5 sho/tan
3
cho 2 tan w as in the middle field with tax
rate o f 5 to 7 sho/tan
1 cho 6 lan 30 sltiro was in the low er field
w ith tax ratc o f 4 to 5 clioỉtan

After categorized as upper, middle and
lo w e r fìe ỉd s , a p a r t o f o u r ỉa n d

w a s g iven

ÍO t h e


40

P.H. Linh / VN U Ịoum aỉ o f Science. Soàaỉ Sciences and Humanities 25, No.5E (2009) 37-45

Negorọịi. Then, the tax rate applied soỉely Vvas
1 kuko/tan. But there w as a b a d Harvest, the
Tempĩe sent its represeníatìve to have a check
causing both the N egoroji and the village

troublesome. Tax m te s are applied respectively
to each category o f the land fìe ld as upper,
m iddle and low er fìe ld a t the request o f the
masses. Since then, despite bad harvests or
d r o u g h ỉs ,

ÍCLX p a y m e n t s

m u st

b e

m a d e

in

th e

m iddle o f every November...
June I4 th se c o m ỉy ea r o f Bunpo
Umanojo (signed)
Taira Shọịi (ỉnitialed)Ị5)
Meizen (signecị) [2, Document No. 152].
During thc vvarring time (m id. 15,h Century
- mid. 16!h Century), the C ouncils o f Village
played a very important role in the village
deíense. A t that timc, Notables were also the
heads o f groups o f nam eholders. They
negotiated with the proprictors or othcr vvarriors
and were responsiblc for thc village security.

The report o f the head o f the O yam a shõen in
the forth year o f Showa (1315) docum ented that
inhabitants in Nishitai village followed one
Notable, Y ukioka N yudo to cooperate with the
local w aưiors for protection.
“Response o f the stew ard o f O yam a shõen
on problem s o f the 0)>ama shỏetì
Yukioka N yudo in íhe N ishitai village and
fellow s took the fa c t thai they d id not have
money as a pretext not to p a y the tax to the
C e n t r a l Emperor...

They b a sed on the ịitoseido, d id n o t obe\
the ru les a n d fo Ilo w ed the evil g a n g (6} G enzo...v
[2, D ocum cnt N o. 137].
If nccded, N otables vvere w illing to go to
the Central govem m ent o r to thc neighboring
villages to negotiate for their villages’ benefits.
D ocum ents o f H ineno villagc rccordcd an event
on Septcm bcr 3rd in the ycar o f Bunki (1501).
On h can n g that the vvarriors from the N egoroji
(belonged
to
the
tcm to ry
headed
by
H atakeyam a) prepared to attack H ineno village,
its N olables discussed that “this is a m om ent o f
deciding o u r survival. It is necessary to

negotiate (w ith thc N egoroji) and m ake a
concession (to avoid w ar)...” [3, p.149]. O n the
day follow cd, rcpresentativcs o f H ineno
subm itted to thc N egorọịi m ore than 200 katì [3,
p. 154] w hich vvas equivalcnt to their annual tax
payment.
1.3. C om baí Village
T he villagc m ilitia was vcry important in
autonom ous villages in Japan. T h e militia was
responsible for thc night patrols, fire and
criminal prevcntion. The docum ents o f Hine shõen show ed that the villagc militia vvas about 20
strong men, know n as m ura no bushi. Notables
in the villages “ ...chosc the elderly to lead the
strong youths..." [3, p.258].

rc s p o n s ib le fo r th e d o c u m c n ts a s w c s ig n OUI d o tu m e n is

D uring the w ar tim e, the m ilitias were main
íorces to protcct their villages. They set up
guarding posts, send alarm s o f enemy to the
villages. T hey helped villagers to evacuate
properties and cattle, im plem ent the plan o f
“empty garden and deserted house”. On 26ưi
June in the second ycar o f Bunki (1502), having
heard that their village vvould be attacked,
villagers o f the H ine shỏen dccided to take

novvadays. It was common that docum cnts w ere sealed by
the stamps but ihc mcdicval Japancsc uscd to sign with the
quill pens. Thcsc signalurcs wcrc knovvn as kao. Those

who could not vvritc w ould makc a circle instead o f
signing thc documcnts. Thcsc circlcs w ere known as
ryakuo , translatcd as thc initial.

(6) This term used b y thc ccntral govcmmcnt and the
Bakufu to reĩer to local sclf-arm ed gangs who did not
obey the adm inistration.

The villagers requested lo use m oney to p a y
the tax o f rice...
<5) Ancient and mcdicval docum cnts vvcrc usually scalcd
by the person w ho preparcd and the person w ho vvas


p II I inh ! VN U loum aỉ o f Sàenct', Sociaỉ Sciences and Humanities 2bẩ No.5L (2009) 37-45

advantagcs ol’ their villagc’s gcographical
position to sct up thc battle to delcat the enem y.
"...residents in the easíern p a r t o f ỉỉin e n o
left the village and m oved up to the m ountains.
The enem y Hvtild attack from Tsuchim aru - a
stnall gaíe into the village. O ther three
com munes xvould gather to aíta ck at the
Tsuchimaru at the request o f th e enem y..." [3,
p 125].
On Septcmbcr 2 ^ in ihc y e ar o f Bunki
(1501), on hearing that the encm y planncd to
atlack thc village, the leaders o f the villag e’s
militia and thc Councĩl o f N otables gathcrcd to
discuss a plan to lìght thc cncm y. “...(villagers)

evacuate their properties, d rive their horses
an d cows... in the early m orning the m iỉitia
prctended to go hunting b u t thcy m ade an
ambustì for the enemy... [3, p.73].

41

overcom e it. O ne good exam ple o f this
cooperation was the fact that Hine shõen helped
Tsuchim ura and Shobu o f Iriyamada village,
which was recordcd in thc docum ents o f Kujo,
one proprietor, on Scptcm bcr 15Í in thc second
year o f Bunki (1502).
was heard thai the fỉo o d h a d svvept
aw ay í he water conduit o f Tsuchimura and
Shobu to the Nagatưki shõen. A heỉp was
offered bu í they sa id it was no í needed. Bu ỉ ií
vvaỏ’ dij]ìcult to repair the w ater conduit. All
p eo p le incỉuding chiỉdren a n d the elderly fro m
fo u r com m unes o f Iriyam ada an d fro m Hineno
cam e to Help repair ỉ he conduit. M ore than 400
p eo p le w ere unabỉe ío com plete the íask.
Thereforet m any other p eo p le fro m the
neighborìng K am i a n d N agataki carne to heỉp.
The K am i offered m any kinds o f wines to
celebrate their com pletion o f íhe ta sk...” [ĩ,
p .1 4 8 ] .

1.4. Inter- village connecíion
The rclationship betw een villages in thc

same rcgion vvas a spccial fealure o f Japan in
thc mcdicval history. 'ỉ'he rclationship betw ccn
Nishita and Miyata vvas ju st introduced in the
above. Hvcn though thcy som etim es had
troublcs in thc usc o f w atcr rcsource and the
w ood exploitation, the fact that N ishitai
villagers used the w ater line from the fields o f
Miyada shõen during the tim c o f K am akura
indicatcd thc coopcration betvveen the tw o sides.
Documcnts o f Ilinc also recorded the kum i
no g o - the association am ong villages during
thc vvarring time. T hey agrccd to lct o ff ílares as
a signal o f bcing attacked to call for help from
othcrs. “IVhen the N egorọịi sta rts to atta ck one
village, there w ould be a whir. ỈVhenever a
\vhir, other villages in the association w ould
come to help. The w hir w as w inded, a ll villages
immediateỉy cante to help... fr o m n o w on, they
wiỉl come tu Help whenever n e ed e d ..\3, p.82-83].
W hen there w as a natural disaster, all
villages in the association vvould cooperate to

1.5. Cultural a n d spiritual activiíies
M any cultural and spiritual activities o f
Japanesc were rcílected in the docum ents o f
O yam a and Hine shõcns. B uddhist pagodas
w ere built in traditional rcsidcnt arcas ( Choarỹi
o f Ichiitani and Ik ẹịin ) o r in important areas o f
the vvater resourcc (Shipporyuji o f Hineno
Iriyamda). Some pagodas vvere the headquarters

o f the villages o r shõens ( Chofukuji o f
Inyam ada). Each family had its OUT1 pagoda in
the villages such as that o f the M uhenkọịi o f the
M inam oto family. In addition, each village had
its own genie tem ple (Oyuscki Tcm ple in
Hineno, H achim an in Ichiitani) and many
shrines in the borders am ong villages to
w orship the earth genics, sainokami, jizo.
V illage festivals were celebrated in four
seasons in accordance with agricultural
celebrations which grcatly influcnced by
Chincsc culture such as the festivals to pray for
good harvests and rains, to thank the God o f
A griculture etc. D ocum ents o f O yam a shõen


42

P.H. Linh / VN U ịournal o f Science, Soãaỉ Sciences and Humanities 25, No.5E (2009) 37-45

did not recorded any o f thesc íestivals but those
íestivals vvere many tim es recorded in the
documcnts o f M asamoto. O ne o f them was the
festival to pray for rain on July 20lh in the year
o f Bunki (1501): “...due ío the recent drought,
now m onks fro m Shipporyụịi o f the Inunaki
m ountain cam e to p ra y f o r rain. I f the drought
coníinues, the pray w ill be h eld at the Pory ụịi.
I f no rain, the pray \vill be at the Bai D ong
Minh Vuong. Síilỉ no rain, a b o m or a stag head

will be thro\vn into the stream. It is said that i f so.
rain will tìot be impossibIe....[3, p.56].
One o f the biggest íestivals o f Japancse
pcoplc vvas the Urabon<7). This fcstival vvas greatly
significant to the peoplc o f thc Hine shõen, vvhere
they used to face with wars, epidemics, natural
disasters. Therefore, it was annualiy hcld from the
11lh to 16U’o f the 701month o f thc lunar calcndar.
“ ...ow the l ì th niglĩt, Tsuchimaru villagers
worship and pray in fro n t o f the pagoda. Otì the
I2th night when them oon is clearest, Ogivillagers
vv/// tíỉke their turn to worship and pray in the
fro n t garden... on the I3lh nighí, viỉlagers o f
Funahuchi come to Hvrship and pray in the
garden. After worship and pray, they perform a
variety o f datices. The)’ perform these activities
very ỵvelỉ. Or. seeing íhese celebraíioKs, (I
íhought) their skiìỉs and taỉents were so
marveỉous... oti the 15'h night, when the moon is
clear, villagers o f Slỉobu w orship and p ra y in
the garden... otì the I 6 lh night O gi villagers and
som e o f Tsuchimaru villagers continue ío
worship and pray in the garden while the
Tsuchim am and ỉhe Ogi, the Shobu a n d the
Funabuchi arc dancing together...” [3, p.5556].

^ Urabon is 2 translation of Ulmabana, mcaning the pray
for ur\an. This is similar to thc Buddhist holiday hcld
annually on 15th o f thc 7,h m onth o f thc lunar calcndar. In
Japan, this íestival uscd to bc hcld 13‘h -15ỉh o f thc scvcnth

month o f thc lunar calcndar but today il is hcld diíĩercntly
in various locations and can bc in thc 7,h and 8,h month o f
thc lunar calcndar.

In the context o f unstable lifc during th.
warring tim e, these íestivals hclped to conncc
pcoplc and reílected imm ortal living strength o
Japancse villagers at that time.

2. Sonic co m p ariso n s \vith villages in V ietnam
In Vietnam , evcn though not very m any o:
m aterials on V ietnam ese village’s structurc, anc
cultural and spiritual activities in thc tim e o f L>
- 'I ran - Le dynasties were prcservcd, othei
m atenals such as historical books, cpitaphs and
researchcs shovv that V ietnam esc villages had
many sim ilarities vvith those o f Japan. Some
rescarchers have com pared village’s regulations
and bclicís bctw ccn Vietnam and Japar« [4,5].
The tbllovving section is to provide some
comparisons betw een Japanese villages in thc
medieval history and those o f V ietnam under
the dynastics o f Ly - T ran - Le.
As above analyzed, Japanesc villagc
structurc was rellected in docum ents o f which
serv'ed as a íorcrunner o f village lcgal
regulations. V ietnam ese village structure vvas
partly rcílcctcd in the village rcgulations and
conventions which startcd in the 14th and 15lh
C enturics and well dcvelopcd in the 16^ - 19lh

Ccnturics. Inhabitant struclurc was also dividcd
into original o r local villagcrs and outcast
villagers. O utcast villagers had a low cr stalus
Ihan that o f local villagcrs. The villagc was
m anagcd by the village officialdom which
included a village c h ief {Xa truong) and some
other posts (Xa tu, X a giam). Thesc positions
were selected by the villagers and thcy vvere
prestigious, wealth and literacy like satanin in
Japan.
In the 15th - ló lh Centuries, in Japan. one
bordcr territory w as establishcd by some
nameholđcrs whose lanđs wcre close to each
other. This border territory was lcd by a chief
w ho was elderly and had a lot o f land. Pcoplc in


p .ll Linh / VN U /ounial o f Science, Social Sciences and Humanities 25, No.5E (2009) 37-45

this tcrntory coopcratcd in cultivation, tax
collection and controlled each othcr. A t thc tìrst
glance, this tcrntory seem cd to sim ilar to the
Giap in Vietnam with male m em bers and its
activity vvcnt beyond the village adm inistrative
boundary. H ow ever, G iap w as a community
based on family lincage and its main activity
vvas to cooperate in vveddings and ĩunerals;
whereas. the bordcr tcrritory in Japan w as more
inclincd to coopcrating in productivc activities.
It is hoped that thcrc w ould bc more materials

on the bordcr territory o f Japan to comparc it
vvith Giap in Vietnam.
The cconom ics o f the m edieval shõens in
Japan mainly bascd on valley agriculture while
Vietnamese agriculture at that timc bascd on the
largc river delta but the function o f agricultural
villagcs in both V ictnam and Japan was quite
similar. T he village w as to mangc its
cultivation,
tax
collcction,
rcclainiation,
irrigation, and to overcom e natural disasters and
to íìght against the enem ies. In addition, it vvas
also to com binc agricultural activities with
handicrart and trading activities.
The m ilitia in Japan w as m u ra no bushi
(young and strong m cn) led by thc taishu. The
militia in V ietnam w as Tuan dinh, tuan trang
(village guard men), w ho w ere at the age o f 18
and 45 and formed the Tuan phien (village
night patrol group). The group was hcadcd by
X a giam. K han phu or Truông luan [4, p.282283). The m ilitias’ duties on both V ielnam and
Japan were sim ilar. T hcy had to patrol, secure
the village and prcvcnt crim inals at the peaceful
time. At the war tim c, thcy w ere the armed
íorces to protect their villages.
A utonom ous and com bat villages were
clearly reílectcd in the docum ents o f both
Oyama and H ine shõens and ihey w ere also the

images o f villages in V ictnam . The term "evil
gang", existed in the docum cnts o f the Oyama
shõen in the 14"' - 15,h C entunes, referred to the

43

local self-arm cd group who did nol obey the
rules and the adm im stration. The Ming also
uscd the samc tcrm to refer to the village sclfarmeci groups in Victnam in thc 15lh Centuries.
It was recorded in Binh dinh Giao nam luc o f
Khau Tuan that "evil gangs em erged like the
m ushroom after the rain, only Giao Clmu was
p a c ifìe đ ' [6, p.282]. T he docum cnis o f Hine shõen also recorded the íights between the
villagers and the w arriors by cvacuating people
and cattle in the H ineno villagc. They
implementcd thc plan o f “cm pty garden,
desertcd house" and cnticcd thc cncmy into the
m ountain o f Iriymada to attack ihe encmy.
These pictures o f com bat villages rem inded o f
com bat villages in V ictnam during the Lam Son
Uprising such as M ac V illage (Loe village,
Dong N inh C om m unc, Dong Son Dist., Thanh
Hoa Province), thc hom e o f Nguycn Chich. The
Mac V illage was thc site for the military
exercises o f the insurgent army and it is well
know n by the historical relics including Con La
co, Con Trai cong, Con Phao, Con Luoi kicm,
and the structure o f three íorces and rcarguards
that írightened thc M ing enem y to death so
m uch th a t “the enem y d id not dare to com e to

D ong Son ” [6, p. 183-279].
The com bat villages vvere found in the
epitaphs in thc villages o f Yen So and Dac So
(íbrm crly knovvn as Ke G ia or C o So in Hoai
Duc, Ha Tay). The epitaphs docum ented rich
inform ation about thc com bat villages. Sincc
the 601 Century, in the uprising o f Ly Bi, Ke Gia
was well-known w ith thc G eneral Ly Phuc Man
who m ade a great contribution to the national
liberalization against the Liang enemy in the
year o f 524 and battlcs in Cuu Duc (Nghe Tinh)
and D uong Lam (Ba V i, Ha Tay). After his
death, the lo"1 o f M arch w as taken to celebrate
Hoi Gia festival which dcm onstrated the
participation o f villagers in Ly Phuc M an’s
battles. In the 13lh Century, in the Tran
D ynasty's resistances against the M ongols, Ke


44

P.H. Linh / VN U loum aỉ of Science, Sociaỉ Sâences and Humanities 25, No 5E (2(X)9) 37-45

Gia bccamc thc írontier. T he C om plete Annals
o f Dai Viet docum ented th a t à,in the p c rio d o f
Nien Phong ( ỉ 2 5 1-1258) o f the Tran Dynasty,
the Thai Dai (the M ongolians) invad ed the
couníry; when entcred this area [K e Gia], their
horses could noi m ove and thev w ere defeaíed
b y the villưgers. In the p e rio d o f Trung H ung

(1258-1293), the enem y invaded the country
again.
They
destroyed
e \’er)’tlĩing
and
everywhere bui thai area [K e G ia] w as sta íic "
[7]. lìpitaphs in Q uan G ia also charactcrized the
battlc against thc M ongol as such “the enem y
\vas surrounded bv the fir e circỉe w hich goí
rnore and more closed and destroyed the
en em y..." [8]. Located several dozcns o f
kilom ctcrs from the Thang Long Palace and
with brilliant tactics, Kc G ia pcople bravely
kept thc cncmy out o f the village and defeated
thcm.

V illage
fcstivals
and
agricultural
cerem onials w crc popular im agcs to thc people
o f thc w atcr rice agriculture. T he Sh u sei festival
in every January for luckincss and good
harvests in Japan was sim ilar to th e K hai ha
fcstival in N orthern villages o f Victnam ; the
Shen N o n g íestival and S ekim a i festival in Apnl
o f Japan w cre sim ilar to the H a Dien ícstival in
Junc o f V iem am . The Lunar July full-m oon day
for “pardoning hom clcss souls” in V ictnam and

Japan arc both C hincse original; thc N eU’ Rice
íestival is cclcbratcd in A ugust in Vietnam and
in Scptem bcr in Japan; both Hotaki fcstival o f
Japan and T huong D ien festival o f V ictnam are
celcbratcd in N ovcm bcr. For the rccovcr from
natural disastcrs, both Victnam and Japan have
thcir ow n íestivais such as P raying fo r Raitì
íestival in Japan o r N huong thu íestival in
V ictnam .

Documents o f Iline shõcn recorded the
associations o f villages know n as kum i no g o in
one region. The kum i no go w as also founded in
Vietnam but it was called the inter-village
association. In the resistance against the Ming
enemy, thcsc intcr-village associations actively
participatcd in w capon and food transportation
and attacking the cncmy. The good cxam ple
was the association o f five villagcs nam ely Yen
Hoa, Ha Vi, Nam Xuong, D ong N ham and
Chau Xuycn (in Bac G iang tow n). These
villages participated in surrounding the X uong
Gian citadcl o f thc enem y for six m onths and
deícatcd it 10 days before their m ilitary aid
am vcd [6, p.288].

In a nutshell, thc com parison o f villages in
V ietnam and Japan shows that villages in both
countrics w cre influenced by thc agricultural
land possession in the O ricntal systcm including

possessions o f the govcm m cnts, villages and
individuals. T he structurc, function, activity and
regulation o f villages in both Victnam and
Japan are sim ilar. Particularly, thc íunctions o f
production, reclaim ation, irrigation system
im provem ent and o f fighting the outside
enem ies w erc very clearly documented.
H ow ever, Japanesc villagcs since the 14*
C entury
had
a
highcr autonom y and
indcpcndcnce and the individualization o f
agricultural
land
possessions
sừongly
devclopcd as a rcsult o f shỏcn systcm in the
m edieval history. W hercas, the govcmmental
and collcctivc possessions rcm aincd in a long
period, thc individual possessions wcre mainly
landovvncrs and the rclationship bctwcen the
landovvners and thc tenant farmcrs.

Cultural and spiritual activity in villages o f
the Hine shõcn is also an interesting topic and it
has similarities with that o f V ictnam ese
villages. The systcm o f tcm ples o f deities,
Buddhist pagodas, and shrines was a special
charactcristic o f Japancsc b clicf systcm but it

also had many sim ilarities vvith thc system o f
village^s lcmples, Buddhist pagodas and shrines
o f ancicnt villagcs in Victnam.

The abovc are somc initial discussions o f
the papcr in thc study o f villagcs in Japan’s
shõcns in reference with villagcs in Vietnam.


p 11 Linh / VN U Ịoum al o f Science, Soãnl Sciences and Humanities 25, No 5E (2(K)9) 37-45

The com parativc study o f villagcs in Japan and
Vietnam is considcrcd as a highly potcntial
approach. The papcr w clcom cs com m cnts and
discussion from researchers and ihosc w ho are
ìnterested in this topic.

45

[4] V u D u y M cn & Ilo a n g M inh Loi, V illage
K cgulations
in
N orthern
V ictnam
and
R cgulations o f K anlo V illag c in Japan (17th

Ccntury - 19,h Ccntury), Institute of History:
H anoi 2001.
[5] T rin h C ao T u o n g , Tuteỉary G od o f Viỉlage in

Vietnam a n d Shinto in Japan - A Comparative

Study, Culturc and Intbmiation and Institute of
C u ltu rc P ublishcrs: lla n o i 2005.

R cíeren ces
11] K un aich o , K ujoke M onịo , D o c u m c n t N o . 64,
T okyo 1976.
[2] H y o g o k cn sh i

h c n sh u
H yogokenshi , H y o g o , 1991.

[3] C h u sc

iin k ai,

[7] P han H uy Lc, In search o f Nation 's Origin, Vol.
II, T h e W orld P ublishing H ousc: Han oi 1999.

M asam oỉoko

[8] N guycn B a Han, Q uan G ia E pitaphs , T h e VVorld
P u b lish in g
H o u sc:
H anoi
1995.

scnm on

k u g cn iki
k e n k y u k a i,
tahibikitsuke , l/u m i sh o in , 1996

[6] Institu tc o f H istory, Vietnam 's Rurtiỉ in H istory ,
V ol. ỉ. S ocial S cicncc P u b lish in g H ousc: Hanoi
1977.