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in the new South Africa
Growing up Titles.indd 1 2010/02/26 1:46 PM
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C
HILDH
OO
D AND AD
O
LE
SC
EN
C
E IN P
OS
T-APARTHEID
C
APE T
O
W
N
in the new South Africa
Rachel Bra
y

Imk
e
Goos
k
e
n
s



Lau
r
e
n K
a
h
n

Sue
M
oses

J
erem
y
Seekin
gs
Growing up Titles.indd 2 2010/02/26 1:46 PM
Free download from www.hsrcpress.ac.za
C
HILDH
OO
D AND AD
O
LE
SC
EN
C
E IN P

OS
T-APARTHEID
C
APE T
O
W
N
in the new South Africa
Rachel Bra
y

Imk
e
Goos
k
e
n
s

Lau
r
e
n K
a
h
n

Sue
M
oses


J
erem
y
Seekin
gs
Growing up Titles.indd 2 2010/02/26 1:46 PM
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Published by HSRC Press
Private Bag X9182, Cape Town, 8000, South Africa
www.hsrcpress.ac.za
First published 2010
ISBN (soft cover) 978-0-7969-2313-4
ISBN (pdf) 978-0-7969-2314-1
ISBN (e-pub) 978-0-7969-2315-8
© 2010 Human Sciences Research Council
The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors. They do not necessarily
reflect the views or policies of the Human Sciences Research Council (‘the Council’)
or indicate that the Council endorses the views of the authors. In quoting from this publication,
readers are advised to attribute the source of the information to the individual author concerned
and not to the Council.
Copyedited by Mark Ronan
Typeset by Baseline Publishing Services
Cover design by Michelle Staples
Printed by [printer], Cape Town, South Africa
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v
Contents
Tables and figures vii
Preface ix
The Fish Hoek valley: Maps and photographs 1
1. Growing up in post-apartheid South Africa 21
2. Discourses and realities of family life 48
3. The familiar world of the neighbourhood 97
4. Segregated and integrated spaces: Mobility and identity beyond
the neighbourhood 135
5. The real worlds of public schooling 170
6. The social aspects of schooling: Navigating an educational career 203
7. Freedom, ‘fitting in’ and foreign territories: The world of friends,
dating and sex 253
8. The quiet violence of contemporary segregation in Cape Town 294
9. Conclusion 323
Notes 331
The authors 334
References 335
Index 350
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vii
Tables and figures
Table 1.1 Details of participants in ethnographic research 35

Table 1.2 Markers or indicators of the transitions to adulthood 40
Table 2.1 Whereabouts of (biological) mothers and fathers of children aged
0–13 in Cape Town (% of total) 51
Table 2.2 Whereabouts of (biological) mothers and fathers of adolescents aged
14–17 in Cape Town (% of total) 51
Table 2.3 Proportions of adolescents aged 14–17 who report spending time
with mother, father or both parents, according to parental
whereabouts (%) 82
Table 5.1 Distribution of test scores by neighbourhood income quintile
(16-year-olds) 176
Figure 1.1 Household incomes in the Valley 26
Figure 2.1 Family-based household types, adolescents aged 14–17 52
Figure 2.2 Proportion of children aged 0–13 in Cape Town co-resident with
parents, by race and household income 53
Figure 2.3 Proportion of life spent with parents, by race and income, adolescents
aged 14–17 54
Figure 2.4 Frequency that adolescents spend time with absent parents 81
Figure 3.1 Safety in the neighbourhood as reported by young people
aged 17–20 105
Figure 3.2 Perceptions of friendliness and helpfulness of neighbours 108
Figure 3.3 Participation in sports or religious or music/dancing groups among
adolescents aged 14–17 114
Figure 5.1 Matric candidates and results (1993–2006) 172
Figure 5.2 Grade attainment in the Valley (2001) 173
Figure 5.3 Test scores by current grade (2002) 174
Figure 5.4 Test scores by neighbourhood income (Cape Town, 2002) 175
Figure 6.1 Who in the family helps with homework? 214
Figure 6.2 Educational expectations of parents of adolescents aged 14–17, by
neighbourhood 217
Figure 6.3 Educational expectations of adolescents aged 14–17, by

neighbourhood 218
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viii
Figure 6.4 Educational expectations of adolescents aged 20–22, by
neighbourhood 218
Figure 6.5 Current educational reality of adolescents aged 20–22, by
neighbourhood 219
Figure 6.6 School attendance by age, Ocean View (%) 227
Figure 6.7 School attendance by age, Masiphumelele (%) 228
Figure 6.8 School attendance by age, Fish Hoek (%) 228
Figure 6.9 Reasons for not being enrolled in school, ages 15–17 231
Figure 6.10 Premature departure from school, by age and neighbourhood type 232
Figure 6.11 Study and work status, by age and neighbourhood type 243
Figure 7.1 Sexual activity and pregnancy among girls, Cape Town 258
Figure 7.2 Sexual activity and impregnation among boys, Cape Town 258
Figure 7.3 Sexual activity and pregnancy among girls, by type of neighbourhood
and age, Cape Town 259
Figure 7.4 Sexual activity and impregnation among boys, by type of
neighbourhood and age, Cape Town 260
Figure 7.5 Young women’s expected and actual ages of maternity
(2002–2005) 278
Figure 8.1 Control over life, by neighbourhood (17–20-year-olds, Cape Town) 297
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ix
Preface
This book is the product of a collaborative effort by researchers in the Centre for
Social Science Research (CSSR) at the University of Cape Town. It presents primarily
qualitative research, and has its origins in a perceived need to go beyond quantitative
research. The CSSR was established in 2001 with the goal of strengthening capacity
in quantitative social science. One of the CSSR’s major projects was the Cape Area

Panel Study (CAPS), for which a ‘panel’ of almost 5 000 adolescents across Cape
Town were interviewed repeatedly over several years as they grew into adulthood.
CAPS was a joint project of the CSSR and scholars at the University of Michigan,
and was co-directed by Jeremy Seekings (from the CSSR) and David Lam (from the
University of Michigan). The first wave of interviews was conducted in 2002, and
subsequent waves in 2003/04, 2005 and 2006. It soon became clear that progress
in understanding transitions into adulthood would require a combination of
qualitative and quantitative research, and so an ethnographic research project was
initiated within the CSSR in 2004 by Rachel Bray and Jeremy Seekings. Rachel Bray
led the ethnographic study and, with Imke Gooskens and Susan Moses, conducted
15 months of fieldwork in the Cape Town neighbourhoods of Masiphumelele, Fish
Hoek and Ocean View respectively. This qualitative research proceeded in parallel
to the successive waves of CAPS.
Analysis of the qualitative data from each neighbourhood was conducted both
individually and collaboratively by Imke, Rachel and Sue. Jeremy analysed the
quantitative data and participated in discussions about the qualitative research. Rachel
and Jeremy took responsibility for integrating material into composite chapters, with
Rachel taking primary responsibility for about two-thirds of the chapters and Jeremy
for one-third. Just about every chapter, however, includes substantial contributions
from Rachel, Sue, Imke and Jeremy. The one exception is Chapter 7, for which
Lauren Kahn was primarily responsible. Lauren had conducted fieldwork among
adolescent girls in the same neighbourhoods in Cape Town, focusing specifically on
their friendships and sexual relationships. She incorporated findings from her own
research and from the research by Rachel, Imke and Sue into a composite chapter.
Every chapter was discussed repeatedly in collective workshops, and read and reread
by each member of the team. Both Rachel and Jeremy restructured and rewrote
almost every chapter.
Some sections of the book have appeared in other forms. Sue, Imke and Lauren
drew on their analyses for their master’s dissertations (Gooskens 2006; Kahn 2008;
Moses 2005). Jeremy, Sue, Imke and Lauren contributed articles to a special issue

of Social Dynamics (32[1] 2006). Rachel and Imke co-wrote an article on the ethics
of conducting research with children in Anthropology Southern Africa (Bray &
Gooskens 2006). Rachel drew on this and further ethnographic work with mothers
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x
and young children to co-write work on childcare, poverty and HIV/AIDS with Rene
Brandt in, among others, the Journal of Children and Poverty (Bray & Brandt 2007).
Most of these papers – and others – were published as working papers in the CSSR
Working Paper Series.
Ariane de Lannoy, a PhD student in the CSSR, who is researching educational
decision-making among young people in Cape Town, provided particular input
to Chapter 6. Katherine Ensler, a visiting student from Princeton, assisted with
observational research in high schools in Fish Hoek and Masiphumelele.
This research was only possible because of the enthusiasm shown by many children
and adolescents in Fish Hoek, Ocean View and Masiphumelele, and by many of
their family members and neighbours. We are especially grateful to the six teenage
residents of the Valley who volunteered to join the team as young researchers:
Riccardo Herdien, Thandolwethu Mbi, Karen Painter, Samantha Peacocke, Zahir
Slarmie and Siyabulela White. All names used in the text are pseudonyms.
We were able to conduct research inside schools through the generous assistance of
the principals and teachers at Fish Hoek Primary, Middle and Senior High; Marine
Primary; Ocean View Secondary; Ukhanyo Primary; and Masiphumelele High. We
are also grateful to the Western Cape Education Department for their permission –
and especially to Dr Ronald Cornelissen. Staff and volunteers working in state
services, NGOs and churches welcomed us into their work environments or gave
their time for interviews or informal discussions. Nomatamsanqa Fani and Lindiwe
Mthembu-Salter provided invaluable research assistance and translation services.
The research presented in this book was funded largely by the CSSR. The funders
included the Andrew W Mellon Foundation, as part of its grant to establish the
CSSR, and the Ford Foundation, through a grant to the AIDS and Society Research

Unit (which is part of the CSSR) to support research that generates new forms of
knowledge. Sue Moses received a generous scholarship from the Potter Charitable
Trust, which also funded a workshop in early 2005. The major funder of CAPS was
the US National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, through grants
R01-HD39788 (research on ‘Families, Communities and Youth Outcomes in South
Africa’) and R01-HD045581 (research on ‘Family Support and Rapid Social Change
in South Africa’).
A number of academics provided important advice along the way, especially Andy
Dawes, Pamela Reynolds, Fiona Ross and Susan Levine, and our colleagues in the
CSSR who gave feedback on presentations in the CSSR seminar series.
This publication was supported with generous assistance from the University of Cape
Town and the South African Netherlands Research Programme on Alternatives in
Development (SANPAD).
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1
The Fish Hoek valley
The research for this book was conducted in the Fish Hoek valley, with the
participants in the study drawn from three of its major communities: Fish Hoek,
Ocean View and Masiphumelele. This section provides a visual introduction to the
area, as seen through the eyes of the young participants themselves. They took all
the photographs presented here, and drew all of the maps with the exception of Map
1 and Map 7.
Situated in the southern part of the Cape Peninsula, the Fish Hoek valley (referred
to as ‘the Valley’ throughout this book) originally consisted of a middle-class coastal
village, and farmlands. Under apartheid it was almost entirely a ‘white group area’
which meant that ‘non-white’ people were permitted to live in the area only if they
were employed as domestic workers or farm labourers.
In the 1960s Ocean View, a small working-class housing estate, was built in an
isolated area in the Valley to accommodate ‘coloured’ people who were forcibly
resettled there from other areas in the southern peninsula. The 1980s and 1990s

saw significant growth throughout the Valley. The existing villages of Fish Hoek,
Noordhoek and Kommetjie expanded, and new suburbs, such as Capri and San
Michel, were developed. By the early 1990s, approximately half the population,
occupying most of the Valley, was ‘white’ and just under half, confined to Ocean
View, was ‘coloured’. Masiphumelele was established in 1991 as a semi-formal
settlement for the small number of African people already living in the Valley, either
legally or illegally. By 2001, however, Masiphumelele, too, had grown to the point
where it accommodated almost 25 per cent of the population in the Valley.
Today, the Valley has become a suburban expansion of Cape Town, and the
population has doubled. There are many signs of post-apartheid change – almost
everyone throughout the Valley has access to electricity, basic sanitation, schools and
healthcare facilities. However, the spatial impress of apartheid remains: the majority
of the coloured and African residents live within the narrow confines of Ocean View
and Masiphumelele, whilst the richer, white residents live in the lush suburbs and
smallholdings that have developed across the area, from one coast to the other.
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2
Locating the Valley
Map 1 The Fish Hoek Valley
This map shows the three neighbourhoods researched (reading from left to right):
Ocean View, Masiphumelele and Fish Hoek, with the main arterial routes linking
them to Greater Cape Town in the north. The insert shows the position of the Valley
relative to Cape Town.
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3
Local neighbourhoods
Photo 1 Ocean View central
Ocean View has a handful of formal shops, including a small supermarket, butchery
and video-hire store, as well as informal shops operating out of people’s homes. The
only sports facilities are bare soccer fields. The young person who took Photo 2

makes quite clear the reason for the name of her neighbourhood.
Photo 2 Ocean View residential
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4
Photo 3 Masiphumelele central
Masiphumelele has only informal spaza shops run from shacks, roadside sellers and
shebeens (bars). Its soccer field is a patch of ground filled with rubble, which until
recently was covered with temporary classrooms for the high school. Although there
are some three-room brick homes recently built by the government, most people live
in small, informally built shacks like the one shown in Photo 4.
Photo 4 Masiphumelele residential
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5
Photo 5 Fish Hoek central
Fish Hoek has a wide range of supermarkets and shops; restaurants; an 80-year-old
department store; a well-stocked library; tennis courts and lush sports fields with
clubhouses. Quiet, tree-lined streets and solidly constructed homes characterise the
residential area.
Photo 6 Fish Hoek residential
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6
Mapping our neighbourhoods
Map 2 Ocean View: Dangerous places
A group of grade-9 boys from Ocean View mapped the areas in their neighbourhood
that they consider to be dangerous.
In the top left corner they drew an area of informal housing named Mountain View
where they say a lot of gangsters live, and you are likely to be robbed or stabbed if you
go there. To the right is Soetwater, an area slightly outside of Ocean View, where people
go drag racing. It is an unsafe place because cars crash and spectators get hurt.
On the right, behind a row of houses, is an open space near the rubbish dump, often

used for illicit activities. Because it is unlit it is particularly dangerous after dark,
when you risk being attacked if you stumble across someone lurking there.
In the centre of the map are the ‘flats’ (blocks of one- and two-roomed apartments),
where many of the children live. These are dangerous because people drink and take
drugs, resulting in fights and stabbings. The children who live there stay in after dark
because ‘gangsters come and sit on the stoep (veranda) and smoke dagga and make
a noise. They often don’t want to leave. Sometimes adults help to chase them away,
but if there are no adults home then we shoot stones and marbles with a catapult at
them or throw hot water over them and then they go away.’
‘Nella’s Pap’, in the bottom left-hand corner of the map is one of the many shebeens
in Ocean View. The boys say they are dangerous mainly after dark, when people get
drunk and become violent.
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7
Map 3 Masiphumelele: Our yard
Praise, a girl aged 12, drew this map of her immediate surrounds in
Masiphumelele.
She describes her map:
I live in this shack [bottom left quadrant]. We’ve got a stove and a fridge
in our kitchen, and my parents have a bed with a beautiful cover. We
share our yard with other families [points to other shacks in her drawing].
Our houses are built close together and they are all different sizes – some
of them are big [points to the house in the top right quadrant] and some
are very small [indicates the house in the centre].
I like staying here because all my friends are here and they can come to
my house and I can go to their houses. Sometimes my friends’ places can
also feel like my own home, so I have drawn the furniture in their houses
too.
We all use the toilet and the shower and tap here [points to bottom right
quadrant]. And after we’ve washed our clothes we hang them up between

our houses [indicates the line of washing in her drawing]. My friends and
I always help each other and the other aunties to hang up the washing and
take it down again.
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8
Map 4 Fish Hoek: My community
Drawn by 13-year-old Helen, this map depicts her immediate ‘world’ in Fish Hoek
and its surrounds. Her map includes several friends’ houses, none of which are
within walking distance: they are spread across an area which ranges from a five-
minute to a 20-minute drive from her home.
Below her house in the centre-left of the map, Helen includes in her world the beach
and the railway station, roughly a five-minute drive away. In the centre she has
drawn a nearby shop she sometimes walks to with her mother. To the right is Fish
Hoek itself, where she has shown the school she attends, her church and two of her
friends’ houses. For Helen, getting to any of these places entails a ten- to fifteen-
minute drive with one of her parents.
In the top right corner of her map, Helen’s world expands beyond the Fish Hoek
Valley to include the place where her father works in Constantia, a wealthy suburb
20 minutes’ drive away from her home. On the other side of the mountain, in
Noordhoek, she has shown another friend’s house and the Longbeach Mall, where
she goes shopping with her parents on weekends (a ten-minute drive).
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9
How we spend our time
Photo 7 Ocean View: The Fiesta Girls
Mina and her friends have given themselves a group or gang name ‘because we do
everything together’. Here they are outside the flats where they live in Ocean View.
Below, the Fiesta Girls and other friends play karrom board (in which small disks are
flicked with a heavier disk to knock as many as possible into four corner pockets).
Photo 8 Ocean View: Playing karrom board outside the flats

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10
Photo 9 Maspihumelele: Shebeen
Shebeens are often run from people’s homes in Masiphumelele. Selling bottled and
home-brewed alcohol, these businesses are also social centres where people gather
to drink and relax. The music played in shebeens often attracts teenagers to them.
To avoid this, Mdu (Photo 10) and his friends prioritised working and saving for
equipment to play their own music so that they would not be tempted into shebeens
and the violence and petty crime associated with them.
Photo 10 Masiphumelele: Mdu listening to music
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11
Photo 11 Fish Hoek: After school
In Fish Hoek, children’s activities are generally contained within the walls of ‘safe’
places. Thus Konrad is allowed to go to his friend’s house for PlayStation games
after school, but may not play outside in the street. Children are usually driven
between school and other activities which ensures their safety but also means that
their movements are confined by adult routines and decisions. To show where she
loves spending her time, twelve-year-old Lara snapped Fish Hoek beach through
the window of her grandmother’s car whilst being driven to one of her after-school
activities (Photo 12).
Photo 12 Fish Hoek: Driving past the beach with Granny
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12
Our schools
Photo 13 Ocean View Secondary School entrance
Ocean View Secondary School offers basic amenities which include a computer
room donated by the local Rotary Club. Although there are also sports facilities,
maintenance costs are a continual challenge so they are not always in good
condition.

Photo 14 Ocean View Secondary School grounds
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13
Photo 15 Masiphumelele High School
Originally, Masiphumelele High School consisted of emergency classrooms and a
makeshift staffroom erected on the primary school premises (Photo 15). In 2006
a new school was built (see insert). The new high school includes all the basic
amenities, but maintenance costs and vandalism pose a serious challenge.
Photo 16 In class at Masiphumelele High
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14
Photo 17 Fish Hoek High School grounds
Fish Hoek High School is set in large grounds with pristine sports fields. Facilities
include an assembly hall, a comfortable staffroom, lockers for pupils, a computer
centre, library, science laboratories and art rooms.
Photo 18 Friends at Fish Hoek High
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15
Beyond our neighbourhoods
Map 5 Fish Hoek and surrounds
A group of 12-year-old Fish Hoek girls began this map by drawing a rough outline of
the area, delineating this by the position of each of their homes, indicated by the pink
circles on the map. Their everyday ‘world’ is bordered by Glencairn (bottom left),
Muizenberg (bottom right), and Noordhoek (top), where they have horse-riding
lessons and visit the Longbeach Mall (top left).
Although they fall within the boundaries of the map, Ocean View and Masiphumelele
do not feature on the girls’ map, because none of them go there, unless they happen
to be in the car with their mother when she drops off a domestic worker.
It was difficult for the group to think of dangerous places to include in their map
(red circles), because they do not go anywhere alone, and have to ask their parents to

transport them anywhere they want to go. Their extramural activities, such as horse-
riding, piano or dancing lessons, are regular and supervised. Social visits and visits to
the mall are always in the company of parents. On the other hand, the girls had no
difficulty in indicating important places, places where they have fun, and where they
go to buy what they need (see the key on the right-hand side of the map).
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