sheng - from asian to global financial crisis (2009)

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FROM ASIAN TO GLOBAL FINANCIAL CRISIS
is is a unique insider account of the new world of unfettered nance. e
author, an Asian regulator, examines how old mindsets, market fundamental-
ism, loose monetary policy, carry trade, lax supervision, greed, cronyism, and
nancial engineering caused both the Asian crisis of the late 1990s and the cur-
rent global crisis of 2007–2009. is book shows how the Japanese zero inter-
est rate policy to ght deation helped create the carry trade that generated
bubbles in Asia whose eects brought Asian economies down. e study’s main
purpose is to demonstrate that global nance is so interlinked and interactive
that our current tools and institutional structure to deal with critical episodes
are completely outdated. e book explains how current nancial policies and
regulation failed to deal with a global bubble and makes recommendations on
what must change.
Andrew Sheng is currently the Chief Adviser to the China Banking Regulatory
Commission and a Board Member of the Qatar Financial Centre Regulatory
Authority, Khazanah Nasional Berhad and Sime Darby Berhad, Malaysia.
He is also Adjunct Professor at the Graduate School of Economics and
Management, Tsinghua University, Beijing, and at the Faculty of Economics
and Administration at the University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur. Mr Sheng
was Chairman of the Securities and Futures Commission of Hong Kong from
1998 to 2005. A former central banker with Bank Negara Malaysia and Hong
Kong Monetary Authority, between 2003 and 2005 he was Chairman of the
Technical Committee of IOSCO, the International Organization of Securities
Commissions, the standard setter for securities regulation. He is a colum-
nist for Caijing Magazine, the largest and most widely read nance journal in
China. He edited Bank Restructuring: Lessons from the 1980s (1996) and holds
an honorary doctorate from the University of Bristol.

From Asian to Global Financial Crisis

An Asian Regulator’s View of Unfettered Finance
in the 1990s and 2000s
Andrew Sheng
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore,
São Paulo, Delhi, Dubai, Tokyo
Cambridge University Press
The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK
First published in print format
ISBN-13 978-0-521-11864-4
ISBN-13 978-0-521-13415-6
© Andrew Sheng 2009
2009
Information on this title: www.cambrid
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e.or
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/9780521118644
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the
provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part
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Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy
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accurate or appropriate.
Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York
www.cambridge.org
Pa
p
erback

Hardback
is book is dedicated to my mother, Chuen Mo Jhen, and my wife,
Lim Suan Poh, whose innite patience, encouragement
and support made this work possible.

vii
Contents
List of Figures page ix
List of Tables x
Acknowledgements xiii
Introduction 1
1 ings Fall Apart 21
2 Japan and the Asian Crisis 44
3 e Beam in Our Eyes 71
4 Banking: e Weakest Link 86
5 Washington Consensus and the IMF 109
6 ailand: e Karma of Globalization 126
7 South Korea: Strong Body, Weak Heart 159
8 Malaysia: e Country at Went Its Own Way 187
9 Indonesia: From Economic to Political Crisis 218
10 Hong Kong: Unusual Times Need Unusual Action 253
11 China: Rise of the Dragon 278
12 From Crisis to Integration 303
13 e New World of Financial Engineering 325
14 What’s Wrong with Financial Regulation? 350
15 e Global Financial Meltdown 375
viii
Contents
16 A Crisis of Governance 396
From Asian to Global Crisis: Chronology

of Notable Events 411
Abbreviations and Acronyms 429
Bibliography 433
Index 465
ix
Figures
A Institutional Tree of Life page 17
1.1 Asian Dragons and Tigers: Currency and Stock
Exchange Indices, July–December 1997
42
2.1 Monthly Fluctuations in Yen–U.S. Dollar Exchange
Rate, 1957–2007
50
2.2 Japanese Foreign Direct Investment to Asia,
US$ billion, 1965–2004
52
2.3 Japan’s Net Financial Flows to Developing
Countries, US$ billion, 1994–2004
53
2.4 Growth Rates of Asian Economies and
Changes in the Yen–U.S. Dollar Exchange
Rate, 1980–2007
54
2.5 Japanese Banks’ Consolidated Foreign Claims
on Asian Economies, US$ billion, 1983–2007
60
2.6 Japan Debt Assets vs. the Rest of Asia Debt Liabilities 69
4.1 Stylised Model of Economic Growth and Demographic
Transition in East Asia, 1945–2025
95

4.2 Emerging Market Credit Spreads, 1990–2006 100
9.1 Indonesia: Net Foreign Liabilities, 1970–2004 243
11.1 Working-Age Population as a Percentage of
Total Population, 1950–2050
290
13.1 Global Leverage and Liquidity – e Unstable Pyramid 333
13.2 e Shadow Banking System: Securitizing and
Moving Liabilities O Balance Sheet, 1987 and 2007
337
13.3 Modelling of Financial Markets: Agent-Based
Behaviour
344
15.1 Global Real Money and Credit Growth, 1984–2008 377
x
Tables
2.1 Selected Asian Economies: Net International
Investment Positions
page 68
4.1 Selected Asian Economies: Financial Structure
(% of GDP)
92
4.2 Selected Asian Economies: Pre-crisis Conditions
of Banking Sector, 1997
96
4.3 Selected Asian Economies: Cost of Crisis in the 1990s 98
4.4 Selected Asian Economies: Capitalization and Turnover
of Stock Markets, July 2008 (US terms)
101
6.1 ailand: Selected Real Economy Indicators 128
6.2 ailand: Selected Currency and Current Account

Indicators
129
6.3 ailand: Selected Foreign Capital Indicators 134
6.4 ailand: Selected Interest Rate
Dierentials (% per Annum)
137
6.5 ailand: Financial Structure (% of GDP) 138
6.6 ailand: Bangkok International Banking Facilities
Credits (Billions of Baht)
139
6.7 ailand: Selected Asset Prices 142
6.8 ailand: Selected Financial Sector Indicators 143
6.9 ailand: Selected Foreign Reserves and External
Debt Indicators
144
6.10 Selected Asian Economies: Currency Composition of
Long-Term External Debt, 1996 and 1997 (%)
146
7.1 South Korea: Selected Real Economy Indicators 160
7.2 South Korea: Financial Structure (% of GDP) 165
7.3 South Korea: Selected Financial Sector Indicators 167
xi
List of Tables
7.4 Selected Asian Economies: Inward Foreign Direct
Investment Stock (% of GDP)
168
7.5 South Korea: Selected Interest Rate
Dierentials (% per Annum)
170
7.6 South Korea: Foreign Reserves and External

Debt Indicators
172
7.7 South Korea: Selected Currency and Current
Account Indicators
175
7.8 South Korea: Selected Foreign Capital Indicators 178
8.1 Malaysia: Selected Real Economy Indicators 188
8.2 Malaysia: Selected Currency and Current
Account Indicators
190
8.3 Malaysia: Selected Foreign Capital Indicators 192
8.4 Malaysia: Selected Foreign Reserves and External
Debt Indicators
195
8.5 Malaysia: Financial Structure (% of GDP) 196
8.6 Malaysia: Selected Financial Sector Indicators 200
8.7 Malaysia: Selected Asset Prices 201
8.8 Malaysia: Selected Banking System Loans by Type
and Sector, End of June 1997 (% of Total Loans)
203
8.9 Crisis Economies: Net Portfolio Equity Liabilities 204
8.10 Malaysia: Foreign Direct Investment and Net
Portfolio Investment (RM Billion)
208
8.11 Selected Asian Economies: Stock Market Collapse 209
9.1 Indonesia: Selected Real Economy Indicators 221
9.2 Indonesia: Selected Currency and Current
Account Indicators
222
9.3 Indonesia: Stock Market Indicators 228

9.4 Indonesia: Financial Structure (% of GDP) 232
9.5 Indonesia: Selected Financial Sector Indicators 234
9.6 Selected Asian Economies: Average Corporate
Leverage (% of Total Debt over Equity)
235
9.7 Indonesia: Selected Interest Rate
Dierentials (% per Annum)
244
9.8 Indonesia: Selected Foreign Reserves and External
Debt Indicators
246
9.9 Indonesia: Selected Foreign Capital Indicators 247
10.1 Hong Kong: Exchange Rate Regimes 256
10.2 Hong Kong: Selected Real Economy Indicators 258
xii
List of Tables
10.3 Hong Kong: Foreign Reserves and External
Wealth Indicators
259
10.4 Hong Kong: Selected Financial Sector Indicators 261
10.5 Hong Kong: Selected Asset Prices 262
10.6 Hong Kong: Financial Structure (% of GDP) 267
10.7 Selected Asian Economies: Summary Measures
of Bank Strength, 1997
268
11.1 China: Selected Real Economy Indicators 280
11.2 China: Financial Structure (% of GDP) 282
11.3 China: Foreign Reserves and External Debt Indicators 283
11.4 China: Selected Currency and Current Account
Indicators

285
11.5 China: Stock Market Indicators 295
11.6 China: Selected Foreign Capital Indicators 298
12.1 Loss in Stock Market Capitalization from Peak to Trough
during the Asian Financial Crisis
305
12.2 Japan: Loss in Stock Market Capitalization from 1998
Trough to 2003 Trough
306
12.3 Selected Asian Economies: Ination (Annual % Change) 310
12.4 Crises Economies: Human Development Index,
1997–1999
312
13.1 Global Financial Assets, 2007 (US$ Trillion unless
Noted Otherwise)
332
14.1 e SPISSPER Process Cycle of Financial Regulation 362
xiii
Acknowledgements
is book could not have been written without acknowledging my huge
debt to all my friends, colleagues, teachers and mentors, past and present,
who are too numerous to mention. My time at Bank Negara Malaysia, World
Bank, Hong Kong Monetary Authority, Hong Kong Securities and Futures
Commission, IOSCO, and the China Banking Regulatory Commission
(CBRC) all shaped my thinking and sharpened my analysis. Specic grati-
tude must go to guidance and support by the late Tun Ismail Mohd Ali, Tan
Sri Aziz Taha and Tan Sri Lin See Yan; Tan Sri Zeti Aziz in Bank Negara;
Millard Long and Alan Gelb at the World Bank; Sir Donald Tsang, Rafael
Hui, Joseph Yam and David Carse in Hong Kong; and Chairman Liu
Mingkang and his colleagues in CBRC. I am grateful to Malcolm Knight

and his colleagues at the Bank for International Settlements for the sabbat-
ical I spent with them in the winter of 2005 researching this book. In aca-
demia, the Tun Ismail Ali Professorship oered me the opportunity to work
at the Faculty of Economics and Administration in the University of Malaya,
funded by Bank Negara Malaysia. I also had the privilege of working with
colleagues at the Tsinghua University Graduate School of Economics and
Management, as well as spending time at the London School of Economics,
Stanford Center for International Development. Charles Goodhart was
particularly helpful with his insightful comments.
e meticulous research work for this book was done cheerfully and ably
by Ms Sharmila Sharma, who patiently slogged at the dras, data and anal-
yses, despite my hectic schedule. e ideas in this book were rst tested
in a series of articles on the Asian and current crisis that was published in
Chinese by Caijing Magazine, with translation by my able Tsinghua assis-
tant Cheng Jiuyan and polished elegantly by CBRC colleague Su Xinming.
I am particularly grateful to Ms Tan Gaik Looi and Michael Pomerleano,
who were the rst to comment on raw chapters of this book.
xiv
Acknowledgements
At Cambridge University Press, Scott Parris and Adam Levine and three
anonymous readers all gave incisive comments and contributions that
helped this book to come to fruition. To all I am eternally grateful. ey
have the credits; I alone bear all debits and personal responsibility for any
errors, omissions and opinions.
1
Introduction
e story of the boom and crash of 1929 is worth telling for its own sake. Great drama
joined in those months with a luminous insanity. But there is the more sombre pur-
pose. As protection against nancial illusion or insanity, memory is far better than
law. When memory of the 1929 disaster failed, law and regulation no longer suf-

ced. For protecting people from the cupidity of others and their own, history is highly
utilitarian.
~ John Kenneth Galbraith, e Great Crash 1929, Preface to the 1975 Edition
In December 2008 I received a text message on my phone which must have
been passed through a million hands:
1 year ago RBS paid $100 bn for ABN AMRO. Today that same amount would buy:
Citibank $22.5 bn, Morgan Stanley $10.5 bn, Goldman Sachs $21 bn, Merrill Lynch
$12.3 bn, Deutsche Bank $13 bn, Barclays $12.7 bn, and still have $8 bn change …
with which you would be able to pick up GM, Ford, Chrysler and the Honda F1
Te am.
If I had told anyone even six months ago that the current crisis would have
resulted in governments owning one quarter of the capital of the Western
banking system, most people would have thought me mad.
When friends asked me Why another book on the Asian and global nan-
cial crises? I gave four reasons. First, I was a ringside audience to the Asian
crisis, as Deputy Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Monetary Authority
(HKMA) in charge of external aairs and reserves management from 1993
to 1998. I was present during some of the key discussions over policy and
the international architecture. Most of the key actors were personal friends
or colleagues, central bankers and policymakers whom I had grown up with
through my early days as Chief Economist and Assistant Governor (Bank
and Insurance Regulation) of Bank Negara Malaysia. Principal actors, such
as Larry Summers, Stan Fischer and Joe Stiglitz, I had worked with when
From Asian to Global Financial Crisis
2
I was seconded to the World Bank between 1989 and 1993. Others, such
as Tim Geithner, former President of the New York Federal Reserve and
Treasury Secretary under the Obama Administration, Eisuke Sakakibara
(Mr Yen) and Masahiro Kawai, I got to know during the crisis, as we shared
both the agony and the drama that deserve to be told, even though the story

had been told many times.
It is useful to remember that aer the Asian crisis and the dot-com bub-
ble of 2000 the world underwent the most thorough overhaul of accounting,
corporate governance, regulation and national nancial architecture since
the 1930s. As former Chairman of the Hong Kong Securities and Futures
Commission, I participated actively in the design of that architecture, being
one of the few Asian representatives with an emerging market background.
I co-chaired with Bank of England Governor (then Deputy Governor)
Mervyn King the Working Group on Transparency and Accountability,
which was established by the Group of Twenty-Two in 1998. I also chaired
the Financial Stability Forum’s Task Force on Implementation of Standards
in 1999. As Chairman of the Technical Committee of the International
Organization of Securities Commission (IOSCO), the international stan-
dard setter on securities regulation, from 2003 to 2005, I worked with lumi-
naries such as former SEC Chairman Arthur Levitt, Arthur Docters Van
Leeuwen, former Chairman of the Netherlands Authority for Financial
Markets and the Committee of European Securities Regulators, Sir Andrew
Crockett, former General Manager of the Bank for International Settlements
and Chair of the Financial Stability Forum, Sir Howard Davies, former
Chairman of the U.K. Financial Services Authority, Michel Prada, former
Chair of the French securities regulator and both the Technical Committee
and Executive Committee of IOSCO, and many others to push forward
reforms in accounting and securities regulatory standards. None of these
was enough to stem the present crisis. Some of them may have contributed
to the crisis. Mea culpa.
A PERSONAL ASIAN VIEW
Second, there are very few books on the Asian crisis by senior Asian o-
cials who were in place during the crisis. Perhaps we had neither the time
nor the inclination to write about our perspectives and experiences. Since
we had no good theories to explain the Asian Miracle, we had even less

incentive to explain the Asian bust. But for posterity’s sake, the Asian side
of the story deserves to be told.
Introduction
3
At the outset I need to stress that even though this is one Asian’s view of
nancial crises, I am not a proponent of Asian values, because I sincerely
believe that the accepted values of hard work, thri, loyalty and social con-
science are universal and not unique to Asia. During the crisis, a number
of Western analysts, including Francis Fukuyama explored whether Asian
values were associated with authoritarian, corrupt, crony capitalism.
1
Alas,
not only have we not reached the end of history, but also nancial crises are
common to both authoritarian and democratic societies, and both suer
from crony capitalism of dierent forms.
Hubris always ends up as humbug. Nothing proves the universality of
this truth better than the fact that everything that is being done to deal
with the current crisis is exactly what the Washington Consensus told us
that we should not do during the Asian crisis. e list includes intervention
in markets, blanket deposit guarantees, lower interest rates, loosened scal
discipline, letting banks fail to stop moral hazard, stopping short selling and
blaming market manipulation.
Saying ‘I told you so’ gets us nowhere because I would be the rst one to
say that if Asia does not get its act together in certain areas, it may suer the
next crisis in the next decade or so. What we need to realize is that we are
all fallible, vulnerable and in the same boat.
e global nature of the present U.S. crisis can be seen in the following
context. At the end of 2007, the United States had gross domestic prod-
uct (GDP) of US$13.8 trillion, compared with Japan (US$4.4 trillion)
and China (US$3.2 trillion). e United States had gross and net interna-

tional liabilities of US$16.3 trillion and US$2.5 trillion,
2
respectively (data
at end of 2006). On the other hand, Japan and China together held half
of the total U.S. government treasury securities at the end of July 2007.
3

At the end of June 2007, foreigners owned 56.9 percent of marketable U.S.
Treasury securities, 24 percent of corporate and other debt, 21.4 percent of
U.S. government agency paper and 11.3 percent of total U.S. stock market
capitalization.
4
In other words, whatever pain the United States feels, the rest of the world
will also share. No one is gloating.
Personally, this book is my attempt at unravelling the Rashomon of nan-
cial crises. When I rst saw Japanese director Akira Kurosawa’s lm as a
1
See Fukuyama (1998).
2
Data from www.bea.gov.
3
Data from www.ustreas.gov/tic/m.txt.
4
Data from www.ustreas.gov/tic/shl2007r.pdf.
From Asian to Global Financial Crisis
4
student in the 1960s, I realized that there are many sides to truth. e story
is about a nobleman and his wife who are attacked by a brigand in an iso-
lated wood. Each version of the story as it unfolds during the trial (includ-
ing the victim’s story as told by a medium) demonstrates that truth is in

the eyes of the beholder. I shall try to tell in each chapter the drama from
both the perspectives of the crisis economies and the major players, quoting
where possible from dierent personal, ocial and public sources.
THE SECOND COMING
e third reason is simply the eruption of the current nancial crisis. In
the summer of 2007, even as I was putting nishing touches to the book,
I was reminded eerily of the summer of 1996. ings looked too good to be
true. Stock markets and property prices were at record levels. e world was
ush with liquidity and risk premiums had declined to record lows. ere
was just too much hubris in the air. I was reminded of W. B. Yeats’ poem
‘e Second Coming’:
ings fall apart; the centre cannot hold;
Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,
e blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere
e ceremony of innocence is drowned;
e best lack all convictions, while the worst
Are full of passionate intensity.
In 1996 the Asian crisis crept up on East Asia, ush with more than a
decade of prosperous high growth and low ination. Almost everyone saw
large capital inows and low-risk premiums as votes of condence, rather
than harbingers of disaster. In July 1997 the ais oated the baht, and
by October Malaysia, Indonesia and Hong Kong were already in crises.
In December South Korea, a member of the Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development (OECD), had to call in the International
Monetary Fund (IMF). e miracle economies of East Asia were pum-
melled with escalating bad news one aer another, until in August 1998
Hong Kong intervened in the stock market, Malaysia introduced exchange
controls and Russia defaulted on its debt obligations. e failure of long-
term capital management (LTCM) and the subsequent lowering of interest
rates by the U.S. Federal Reserve (the Fed) in September was the signal that

the centre now took the crisis seriously as one of global proportions.
e Asian economies recovered because the centre and main engine of
global growth, the U.S. economy, was fundamentally strong in 1998. Ten
Introduction
5
years later the tables have been turned. Asia, including the Middle East oil
producers, as a whole has become a major creditor to the U.S. economy. In
contrast, the U.S. economy is running large twin decits as current account
decits surpassed 5 percent of GDP since 2004, whilst the scal decit had
grown in the face of the costs of the Iraq war and growing demands for
tax cuts and social services. From 2005 onwards the U.S. dollar began its
depreciation of more than 20 percent in real eective exchange rate terms.
Initially there was no apparent impact on the rest of the world, but as gold,
commodity, food and energy prices began to rise for a variety of reasons,
the world moved from the decade of Great Moderation to a period of grave
uncertainty.
Like its Asian predecessor, the subprime crisis crept into global aware-
ness almost by stealth. Even though two Bear Stearns hedge funds investing
in subprime mortgages had failed in February 2007, there was no aware-
ness of the ferocity and speed of the deterioration. By summer 2007 the
subprime crisis that began with the decline in housing prices in the United
States had started to unwind. In August the European Central Bank and
the Fed injected over US$300 billion into their interbank markets to ease
liquidity. e Bank of England, concerned with the risks of moral hazard,
was initially more reluctant to follow suit. But by September it had to inter-
vene in the run against Northern Rock, the rst bank run in the United
Kingdom for 189 years, stopped by a blanket guarantee of all deposits. e
Fed responded to the subprime crisis by lowering interest rates.
Just like the second half of 1997, the summer of 2008 erupted like a vol-
cano, with events every month escalating in size and intensity. In March

the h largest U.S. investment bank, Bear Stearns, was taken over by JP
Morgan with US$29 billion worth of Fed support. By July the U.S. Treasury
had to mount a rescue for Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, the government-
sponsored mortgage corporations, which together held or guaranteed more
than US$5 trillion worth of mortgages. In the rst week of July, the price of
oil rocketed to a peak of US$147 per barrel, sparking fears of global ina-
tion in the midst of possible nancial collapse. By 7 September the Treasury
had to put both Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac into conservatorship, de facto
nationalizing them. In the following two weeks, the world as we knew it
changed.
As pressure mounted on the four remaining U.S. investment banks,
Merrill Lynch found refuge aer agreeing to be taken over by Bank of America
over the weekend of 14 September. e next day Lehman Brothers failed
with over US$613 billion in debt. e same day the largest insurance com-
pany in the world, AIG, received a US$85 billion loan support from the Fed
From Asian to Global Financial Crisis
6
in exchange for a 79.9 percent equity stake. It had provided US$446 billion
of credit default swaps and had become too big to fail. On 17 September the
money market funds were facing large institutional withdrawals, forcing the
U.S. Treasury to announce a US$50 billion guarantee for them. If these funds
failed, more than US$3.4 trillion of funds were at stake.
It was by now clear that piecemeal solutions would not solve the crisis
in condence. On the weekend of 20 September, U.S. Treasury Secretary
Paulson announced a US$700 billion rescue package to buy toxic mortgage
assets and unclog the system. On 23 September the Fed allowed Goldman
Sachs and Morgan Stanley, the last two remaining investment banks, to
become bank holding companies.
On Wednesday, 24 September, President Bush admitted that the United
States was in the midst of a crisis, as he tried to get Congress and Senate to

pass his rescue proposal. To the shock of the markets, the U.S. Congress
voted down the rescue package, reecting huge anger of Main Street towards
Wall Street.
By the end of 2008 it was clear that the meltdown in global nancial mar-
kets had severely shocked the real economy. e United States was ocially
declared to have been in recession at the end of December 2007, whilst
the rest of the world prepared for the worst. Everyone expected that 2009
and beyond could be the toughest economic conditions since the Great
Depression.
What went wrong? Were the lessons of the Asian crisis and the subse-
quent reforms insucient? Despite huge advances in theory and under-
standing of institutions and markets, have we missed something?
A FRAMEWORK FOR ANALYSIS
e fourth justication for this book therefore is a framework for thinking
about the role of nancial regulation in nancial stability and crises.
No nancial crisis is exactly alike, but there are common elements that
would, I hope, help us identify and mitigate the next one. All crises start
with excess liquidity, followed by speculative manias, culminating in a bub-
ble and subsequent crash. History is replete with such bubbles and crashes,
but the intellectual debate about their causes and their resolutions continue.
If the 1994 Mexican crisis was ‘the rst nancial crisis of the 21st century’
as famously dubbed by Michel Camdessus, then Managing Director of the
IMF,
5
the 1997–1998 Asian crisis was the harbinger of the present crisis.
5
Camdessus (1995).
Introduction
7
e problem of describing the Asian and current crises is that they cannot

be seen as static country-by-country analyses, but rather as dynamic, com-
plex interactions between a group of Asian countries, Japan included, and
their relationship with the United States, their largest customer and trading
partner. e Asian crisis was a structural crisis of the Asian global supply
chain, which had not one currency standard, but two, the U.S. dollar and
the Japanese yen, emerging into a globalized world of growing imbalances,
awash with huge capital ows. e volatility erupted into crisis. No one
anticipated how quickly contagion could spread.
Ten years later, aer a period of great global prosperity with low ination,
the developed world also slipped into crisis. Again, the usual suspects were
questioned – large capital ows, misaligned exchange rates, excess liquid-
ity and leverage, greedy bankers, hedge funds and inadequate supervi-
sion. Inuential Financial Times columnist Martin Wolf coined the phrase
‘unfettered nance’ in a prescient piece in May 2007 on how capitalism has
mutated: ‘While the new world of unfettered nance has many friends and
foes, all are concerned about the possibility of serious instability’.
6
But for all its tragedy, the Asian crisis was a crisis at the periphery, when
the centre was strong. Today we are witnessing a nancial crisis at the cen-
tre, and its shocks are spreading worldwide like a tsunami, in both nancial
and real economy terms.
Consequently the signal dierence between the Asian crisis and the cur-
rent crisis is not just one of size, but in essence, complexity. Because of com-
plexity, we must try to reduce the multidimensional origins and causes into
simpler understandable components. Using an institutional and evolution-
ary perspective,
7
we approach both nancial crises at three levels: the lens
of history, the macro-view and the micro-issues.
Jerry Corrigan, former President of the New York Fed and arguably one

of the most perceptive, brilliant and incisive thinkers and practitioners in
global nancial markets today, taught me that you need to look at a prob-
lem from 30,000 feet up, zoom down to ground level and then slowly rise to
300 or 3,000 feet until you get a much clearer perspective of the issues and
the problem.
When you are at 30,000 feet up, you have an overview of the context and
the relativity of issues. At 3,000 feet, there is a clearer macro-perspective of
the scale of the problem, but the devil is in the details that you might be able
6
Wolf (2007a), 15.
7
For an overview of Complexity Economics, see Beinhocker (2007).
From Asian to Global Financial Crisis
8
to examine only at ground level. Hence one must also have a grasp of the
complex issues at the micro-institutional level of what led to the crisis.
is book starts from the premise that markets are an essential part of
social institutions that have a symbiotic relationship with governments. We
will examine the complex institutional interaction between markets and
governments to consider how nancial crises emerge.
To encompass such complexity, we must be eclectic in approach, but there
is an underlying theme woven into the fabric of our approach. Markets are
what sociologist Manuel Castells called part of the Network Society.
8
ey
function to trade and exchange ideas, goods and services. Successful mar-
kets all share three key attributes: the protection of property rights, the low-
ering of transaction costs and the high transparency. Financial markets are
interlocking networks that exchange money, equity, bonds and derivatives.
But the more networks evolve, the more complex they become, so that

shocks or failure in one hub can easily be transmitted to other parts of the
network through contagion. e cascading waves of institutional failure
can be seen as network failure, whereby hubs (read: investment banks)
have to shut down if only to isolate the damage to the rest of the network.
Contagion is like viral transmission of disease. You have to quarantine the
infected quickly, so that the rest of the network remains healthy. In that
sense crises are only one stage of evolution of markets.
ere is, however, another level of history that is more powerful than the
history of events – the history of economic thought. Since the fall of the
Berlin Wall in 1989, the power of free market fundamentalism has been
on the ascendant. Ironically, free market fundamentalists viewed the Asian
nancial crisis as proof that government fettering nancial markets was
futile, because Asian governments were impotent before the forces of global
markets.
e free market philosophy powerfully encouraged nancial innovation,
particularly in derivatives that created new prots and reputedly improved
risk management. ere is no doubt that the owering of derivative markets
in the 21st century was a marvel to wonder at. From 2001 to 2007 global
GDP increased by 75.8 percent from US$31 trillion to US$54.5 trillion.
9

Over the same period, global bonds, equities and bank assets grew by 53.1
percent from US$150 trillion to US$229.7 trillion. In contrast, the notional
amount of outstanding contracts of global over-the-counter (OTC) deriva-
tives market rose 536.5 percent from US$111.1 trillion to US$596 trillion.
8
Castells (2000).
9
IMF, Global Financial Stability Report (2003, 2008).
Introduction

9
In other words, the derivative book rose 10.1 times faster than traditional
nancial assets and 7.1 times faster than real economy activity.
Unfortunately, as the current nancial crisis showed, unfettered nance
also leads to instability and destruction, not all of it creative. U.S. Treasury
Secretary Hank Paulson summed it up best in September 2008 in explain-
ing the bailout: ‘raw capitalism is a dead end’.
10
At the other end of the spectrum, state intervention in markets is seen as
necessary to deal with distributional justice and the protection of property
rights. is was fundamentally the Asian view of development. e tragedy
is that, taken to its authoritarian extreme, overregulation and state inter-
vention has also been disastrous.
e complex reality, as Asian philosophy has argued, is a golden mean,
somewhere in the fuzzy wuzzy middle, a dynamic and complex interaction
and interdependence between creative disorder in the market and the rigid
order of bureaucracy, and between individual freedom and social respon-
sibility. A reality is that whilst national governments may have in the past
been successful in managing development within national borders, it does
not mean that they can be successful in managing shocks emanating from
the borderless world of unfettered nance.
Unfettered globalization has also been accused of creating social inequal-
ity and wanton destruction of the environment for short-term gains. As
Dani Rodrik and other development economists have noted, we should
not get into the facile debate between market fundamentalism’s ‘just let
the market work’ and institutional fundamentalism’s ‘just get governance
r i g h t ’.
11
e view of ‘letting the market work’ is mostly right, but not always.
On the other hand, the institutional view of ‘getting governance right’ is

necessary but not sucient, because many times crises have been the result
of bad policies and weak governance. Nobel Laureate Michael Spence,
12
in
the recently published Growth Commission Report, rightly emphasized
that no generic formula exists for successful economic development or
governance.
Herein lies the aw of globalization. We have today a global nancial
system with almost unrestricted capital ows, but macroeconomic policies
and regulation are conducted within national borders. We oen ignore the
externalities of our national policies on the rest of world. National crisis is
about the failure of domestic markets, policies or institutions, but global
10
Quoted in Gunther and Easton (2008), 53.
11
Rodrik (2008).
12
Spence (2008).