the study of ethnomedicine of chu ru and raglai ethnic groups in phuoc binh natio

VIETNAM NATIONAL UNIVERSITY - H! CHÍ MINH CITY
UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE

NGUY!N XUÂN MINH ÁI

THE STUDY OF ETHNOMEDICINE OF CHU RU AND
RAGLAI ETHNIC GROUPS IN PH"#C BÌNH
NATIONAL PARK, NINH THU$N PROVINCE

Major: Ecology
Major’s code: 60 42 60

A THESIS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF BIOLOGY

ADVISOR
PhD. Julie Nguyen Pouplin

H" Chí Minh City, 2011


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank my advisor Dr. Julie Nguyen Pouplin for her guidance. She
offered advices on research and writing that will stay with me throughout my career
and also spend a lot of time to edit this thesis many times.
I would like to thank Dr. Lê Công Ki!t who gave me valuable advices on
methodology since the beginning of study.
I would like to thank Mr. Hoàng Vi!t who is my “first” teacher and who has guided
me since I was a freshman.
I would like to Mr. Nguy"n Công Vân, a director of Ph#$c Bình National Park and
officers here who are kindly helped me during the study time.
I am grateful to Mr. Chamaléa Ch#%ng, Mr. Kat%r Th%, Mr. Pin&ng S%n, Mr. Bình

Tô Hà L#%ng and all local people live in Hành R'c and B( Lang hamlets. Their
generosity and hospitality allowed me to intrude into their lives and shared all their
traditional knowledge.
Also, my fellow graduate students, )*ng Hà Ph#%ng and Lê Hoàng Tuy+t Trinh
and my younger brother Nguy"n Lê Duy Trung who shared difficulties in the field
trips lasted weeks.
Thank you to my close friend )inh Bình Ph#%ng who is always by my side to
encourage me in the most difficult times and my friends who offered me limitless
moral and emotional support.
Finally, I would like to thank my parents who have devoted the majority of their
lives to provide me with a loving, rich, supportive and encouraging environment for
which to cultivate my inner strength and freedom of mind.
Nguy"n Xuân Minh Ái

!

""!


TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
DECLARATION ............................................................................................................ i
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................... ii
ABSTRACT (ENGLISH) ............................................................................................. iii
ABSTRACT (VIETNAMESE) ..................................................................................... v
TABLE OF CONTENTS............................................................................................. vii
LIST OF TABLES ....................................................................................................... xii
LISTS OF FIGURES .................................................................................................. xiv
INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 1
CHAPTER 1. LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................... 3

1.1 Ethnomedicine - A subdiscipline of Ethnobotany ............................................... 3
1.1.1 Definitions ...................................................................................................... 3
1.1.2 Quantification in Ethnobotany or Quantitative Ethnobotany ......................... 4
1.1.3 Traditional medicine and Western medicine: conflict and cooperation ......... 5
1.1.4 Some trends in ethnomedical studies ............................................................. 6
1.2 Vietnamese traditional medicine ......................................................................... 8
1.2.1 History of traditional medicine in Vietnam .................................................... 8
1.2.2 Medicinal plants in Vietnam ........................................................................ 10
1.3 Chu Ru and Raglai ethnic minorities ................................................................ 14
1.3.1 Malayo-Polyenesian ethnic group ................................................................ 14
1.3.2 Chu Ru people .............................................................................................. 16
1.3.3 Raglai people ................................................................................................ 19

!

#""!


CHAPTER 2. METHODOLOGY ............................................................................ 22
2.1 Aim of the study .................................................................................................. 22
2.2 Scope of the study ............................................................................................... 22
2.3 Contents of the study .......................................................................................... 22
2.4 Study period ........................................................................................................ 23
2.5 Study area ............................................................................................................ 23
2.5.1 Physical features ............................................................................................ 23
2.5.1.1 Geography ........................................................................................... 23
2.5.1.2 Geomorphology ................................................................................... 24
2.5.1.3 Climate and hydrology......................................................................... 24
2.5.1.4 Soil condition ....................................................................................... 25
2.5.1.5 Soil utilization and vegetation cover of forest ..................................... 26

2.5.1.6 Flora .................................................................................................... 27
2.5.1.7 Fauna ................................................................................................... 27
2.5.2 Economical and social characters................................................................. 28
2.5.2.1 Economical and social situation
in the core zone of the National Park ................................................... 28
2.5.2.2 Economical and social situation in the buffer zone ............................. 28
2.6 Study population .................................................................................................. 30
2.6.1 Chu Ru and Raglai community in Ph#$c Bình National Park,
Bác Ái District, Ninh Thu,n Province.......................................................... 30
2.6.2 Study hamlets ............................................................................................... 32
2.7 Materials .............................................................................................................. 32

!

#"""!


2.8 Study methodology ............................................................................................. 32
2.8.1 Communicating with local people................................................................ 33
2.8.2 Collecting information about ethnical medicinal plants............................... 33
2.8.2.1 Semi-structured interviews .................................................................. 33
2.8.2.2 Field trips............................................................................................. 34
2.8.2.3 Questionnaire interviews ..................................................................... 35
2.8.3 Collecting and processing samples .............................................................. 36
2.8.3.1 Sample collecting ................................................................................. 36
2.8.3.2 Sample processing ............................................................................... 37
2.8.3.3 Botanical identification........................................................................ 37
2.8.4 Database building ........................................................................................ 38
2.8.5 Data analysis and comparison ...................................................................... 39
2.8.6 Calculating Informant Consensus Factor (ICF) of medicinal plants............ 39

CHAPTER 3. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION........................................................ 41
3.1 Biology of medicinal plants in the study area................................................... 41
3.1.1 Distribution of taxa of medicinal plants ....................................................... 41
3.1.2 Growing form of medicinal plants ............................................................... 45
3.1.3 Habitat of medicinal plants .......................................................................... 46
3.2 Medicinal plants used by Chu Ru and Raglai ethnic groups .......................... 48
3.2.1 Demography of local informants.................................................................. 48
3.2.2 Medicinal plants reported by the local informants ....................................... 51
3.2.3 Indigenous nomenclature ............................................................................. 58
3.2.4 Local affections and therapeutic pathway .................................................... 62

!

"$!


3.2.4.1 Local affections .................................................................................... 62
3.2.4.2 Therapeutic pathway............................................................................ 68
3.2.5 Medicinal plants ........................................................................................... 72
3.2.6 Plant parts used............................................................................................. 80
3.2.7 Preparation, route and dosage of administration .......................................... 83
3.2.8 Transmission of the traditional knowledge in study area ............................. 89
3.2.9 Comparison of medicinal plants used reports .............................................. 93
3.2.9.1 Informants consensus - ICF value ....................................................... 93
3.2.9.2 Principal species used to treat digestive ailments:
A case of parallel use between Chu Ru and Raglai groups ................. 97
3.2.10 Comparison of medicinal uses reported in specific related literature ........ 99
3.2.11 Trade of medicinal plants in the local area............................................... 104
3.2.12 Conservation of medicinal plants: An important issue ............................ 105
CHAPTER 4. CONCLUSION AND OUTLOOKS .............................................. 107

REFERENCES
APPENDIX 1: LIST OF MEDICINAL PLANTS USED BY CHU RU (C) AND
RAGLAI (R) PEOPLE
APPENDIX 2: DATA ANALYSIS
APPENDIX 3: RESULTS OF COMPARISON OF MEDICINAL USES
APPENDIX 4: SOME PICTURES OF MEDICINAL PLANTS

!

$!


LIST OF TABLES
Page
Table 3.1

Distribution of taxa of medicinal plant in the study area ..................... 41

Table 3.2

Distribution of medicinal plants in families......................................... 42

Table 3.3

Comparison of taxa distribution with SUB-FIPI’s result .................... 44

Table 3.4

Distribution of category of age and gender of Chu Ru
and Raglai informants .......................................................................... 50

Table 3.5

Number of citations of each medicinal plants
cited by local people ............................................................................ 55

Table 3.6

List of indigenous medicinal uses cited by Chu Ru
and Raglai people ................................................................................. 62

Table 3.7

Category of indigenous medicinal uses in proportion
to number of species and use-reports ................................................... 66

Table 3.8

Veterinary medicinal plants used by Chu Ru (C)
and Raglai (R) people .......................................................................... 72

Table 3.9

List of medicinal plants with other minor uses .................................... 76

Table 3.10

Plant parts used for preparation of remedies by
Chu Ru and Raglai people ................................................................... 82

Table 3.11

Methods of preparation of medicinal plants reported
by Chu Ru and Raglai people .............................................................. 85

Table 3.12

Route of administration of medicinal plants used by
Chu Ru and Raglai people ................................................................... 87

Table 3.13

Major transmitters in medicinal knowledge in
Chu Ru and Raglai communities ......................................................... 91

Table 3.14

!

Comparison of Chu Ru and Raglai medicinal plant uses .................... 95

$"!


LIST OF TABLES (cont.)
Table 3.15

Principle species used to treat digestive ailments
between Chu Ru and Raglai people ..................................................... 97

Table 3.16

Comparison results of medicinal plants in the current
study with related literatures .............................................................. 100

!

$""!


LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 2.

Ph#$c Bình National Park-The study area .......................................... 29

Figure 3.1

Distribution of medicinal plants in families......................................... 42

Figure 3.2

Percentage of each family in total number species .............................. 43

Figure 3.3

Growth form of medicinal plants in the study area.............................. 45

Figure 3.4

Habitat of medicinal plants in the study area ....................................... 46

Figure 3.5

Plants cultivated solely for medicinal uses .......................................... 47

Figure 3.6

Age structure of Chu Ru and Raglai informants .................................. 49

Figure 3.7

Category of age and gender structure of Chu Ru
and Raglai informants .......................................................................... 50

Figure 3.8

The number of medicinal plants cited by Chu Ru
and Raglai people ................................................................................. 51

Figure 3.9

Distribution of the numbers of reported medicinal plants
in accordance with ethnic groups, gender and age groups................... 53

Figure 3.10

Medicinal plants with their local names involving
remarkable traits................................................................................... 60

Figure 3.11

Medicinal plants used for human and animals in the study area ......... 65

Figure 3.12

Actions taken against ailments of Chu Ru
and Raglai informants .......................................................................... 70

Figure 3.13

Difference between male and female in their option to
resort to shamans.................................................................................. 70

Figure 3.14

Reasons local people choose medicinal plants for
treating diseases ................................................................................... 71

Figure 3.15

Two medicinal plants are reported for treating exclusively
animal ailments: maggots in wounds for oxen .................................... 75

!

$"""!


LIST OF FIGURES (cont.)
Page

Figure 3.16

Some plant parts used for medicinal purposes ..................................... 80

Figure 3.17

Plant parts used for medicinal purposes by Chu Ru
and Raglai people ................................................................................. 82

Figure 3.18

Medicinal material condition used by Chu Ru
and Raglai people ................................................................................. 84

Figure 3.19

Methods of medicinal preparations reported by Chu Ru
and Raglai people ................................................................................. 86

Figure 3.20

Routes of administrations used for medicinal plants
by Chu Ru and Raglai people .............................................................. 88

Figure 3.21

Major transmitters in medicinal knowledge in Chu Ru
and Raglai communities ....................................................................... 92

Figure 3.22

Age study medicinal knowledge (A) among ethnic groups
(B) among male and female ................................................................. 92

Figure 3.23

ICF values of categories of indigenous medicinal uses in Chu Ru
and Raglai communities ....................................................................... 96

!

$"#!


CHAPTER 1. LITERATURE REVIEW
1.1 ETHNOMEDICINE - A SUBDISCIPLINE OF ETHNOBOTANY
1.1.1 Definitions
The term “Ethnomedicine” was suggested by Huges for the first time in 1968 to
refer to the study of the healthcare system including beliefs and practices related to
diseases and health as products of indigenous cultural development which were not
explicitly derived from a conceptual framework of modern medicine [41], [43],
[55], [89]. Nowadays, Ethnomedicine also refers to the study of traditional
medicine practices in their whole [85].
In fact, Ethnomedicine is considered as one of the sub-disciplines of Ethnobotany.
Ethnobotany term was suggested by John Harshberger for the first time in 1896 to
delimit a specific field of botany describing the use of plants by aboriginal people.
Prior to the use of this defined term, many botanists already included this idea
within their studies. For instance, one of Carl von Linne’s early publications,
“Flora lapponica” (1737), included a discussion of the ways in which plants were
specifically utilized for medical purpose by the Lapplander people [54]. Later,

Harshberger has proposed a new discipline - Ethnobotany - with its own definitions,
scope, objectives and methodologies. Although Harshberger opinions remained the
core of this science throughout the 20th century, Ethnobotany has undergone many
changes and reforms in the research approach [60], [81].
The term “Ethnobotany” is composed etymologically by two words “ethnic”
(ethno-) and “plant” (botany), designing the relationship between people and their
surrounding plants [19], [34], [54]. Indigenous people manage and use their natural
resources (plants, animals and minerals) for construction, food and health care in
their daily life. This last part of Ethnobotany includes Ethnomedicine and/or
Ethnopharmacology, literally people science of medicine and remedies respectively.

3


Ethnomedicine covers a very wide spectrum, which may be classified into two
types: the personalitic systems, where supernatural ascribes to angry deities, ghosts,
ancestors and witches predominate, and the naturalistic systems, where illness was
explained in impersonal, systemic terms. The personalistic system appeared to
predominate in traditional medical systems of native America, parts of China, South
Asia, Latin America and most of the communities in Africa. The other one
predominates in Japan, South-East Asia and in the traditional Chinese medicine
[55].
1.1.2 Quantification in Ethnobotany or Quantitative Ethnobotany [36], [52]
Ethnobotany is drawn from many different disciplines and perspectives, which adds
to its complexity but do not impose any special limits to its development as an
experimental science. In addition, the fact that Ethnobotany can be seen as a field
where various spheres of knowledge overlapped should not in itself raise any doubt
about its own orientation. However, it is the target of criticisms based on the view
that it is an immature or “weak” science.
In the past, ethnobotanical studies in general and ethnomedicinal studies in

particular were often criticized about their methodology because they just set the
record lists of plant names and lack strictly in theory.
The fact that Ethnobotany is a relatively new discipline has been cited as a
justification for its slow progress in accumulating systematic knowledge and
generating theories and hypotheses. But Ethnobotany has been advancing towards
becoming a more experimental science for last fifteen years. Recently, it has
become increasingly common among ethnobotanists to apply rigorous scientific
methodologies in examinating ethnobotanical questions. One of these innovations is
the application of quantitative methodologies.
The concept of “quantitative ethnobotany” is relatively new and the term itself was
coined only in 1987 by Prance and co-workers. It may be defined as the application

4


of quantitative techniques to the analysis directly of data of contemporary plant use.
In ethnobotanical studies, besides documents which reported extensively the
knowledge of plants held by native groups there are also some works designed to
quantify the local knowledge using popular indices of relative or cultural
importance. Porter (1995) also emphasized that the use of statistical methodologies
has become practically obligatory in fields such as medical research.
Although quantification is recognized as powerful tool with unquestionable virtues,
a number of scientists criticized it. For example, Albuquerque (2009) argued that a
quantitatively well-laid out study would never substitute for well-formulated
questions and precise research objectives [36]. Author admitted that this new field
stimulated a wide range of studies and produced many methodological advances,
but we must abandon the “label” of “quantitative ethnobotany” in favour of an
ethnobotanical science directed towards a systematic comprehension of relationship
between humans and plants, i.e. by combining both qualitative and quantitative
methods.

1.1.3 Traditional medicine and Western medicine: conflict and cooperation
The components of traditional medicine have long been ignored by many
biomedical practitioners for various reasons. They think that the chemical
composition, dosages and toxicity of the plants used in ethnomedicine are not
clearly defined [89]. Even though some traditional practitioners incorporate various
aspects of allopathic biomedicine into their procedures, physicians and politicians
portrayed these healers, at best, as members of an antiquated tradition and, at worst,
as charlatans [61]. The populace, however, especially the rural inhabitants, gives
preference to traditional treatments. Hence, traditional medicine still has a
significant role in the primary health care system for people, particularly in
developing countries.

5


In the recent decades, traditional medicine received much attention from
governments as well as from organizations and scientists all around the world. By
the 1980’s, there was a resurgence of traditional practice in Bolivia because the
value of medicinal plants was touted by Western research. In the 1990’s in African
countries, the communication between physicians and herbalists considerably
improved leading the two groups to collaborate on several conferences and even to
jointly staff a few clinics [61]. Similarly some institutions in the USA stated to
incorporate ethnomedicine into their medical services [89].
Interestingly, the value of ethnomedicine has been now recognized and the
knowledge of those practitioners has been incorporation into biomedical systems
since their advocacy by the World Health Organization (WHO) at the conference in
Alma - Ata, Kazakhstan, in 1972. Up to now, its objective is to supply affordable
medical care for people all over the world depends by granting folk healers
professional autonomy as well as educating them in abandoning worthless (and
sometimes harmful) practices, and teaching them and their communities about

effective public health measures [61].
1.1.4 Some trends in ethnomedicinal studies
Nowadays, research interest and activities in the ethnomedicine field have increased
tremendously in the last decades [89]. Ethnomedicines have obtained increasingly
the attention of scientists and research institutions around the world. Most people
realized the particularly important role of this science in all fields such as
economics, culture and society [60]. Moreover, ethnomedicinal researches have
been widely intensified in response to an increased awareness of the bad
consequences of the forced displacement and acculturation of indigenous people,
and to the recognition of indigenous health concepts as a way of maintaining ethnic
identities [61]. Many research projects on medical ethnobotany have been also
conducted over the years exploring various ways to conserve the medicinal plant
and traditional data sources. In 2005, Pieroni editor published the first issue of the

6


“Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine”, one of the main important
magazine in the synthesis of the results research in this field such ethnomedicinal
studies have been often funded by international organizations leading to important
publications such as “People and Plants Conservation Manuals” handbook from
the partnership between World Wildlife Fund, UNESCO and Kew Royal Botanic
Gardens. Most ethnomedicine studies record in details the use of medicinal plants
by local people, combining the analyses of folk knowledge in various ways such as
botany, medicine, economics and anthropology [38], [42], [50], [57]. However,
many scientists focused on improving methodological rigor and testing new ideas
and hypotheses or build on several techniques supporting effectively the
ethnomedicinal research in the recent years [81]. For instance, scientists combined
the explanation of the origin of medicinal plants local names and their use by ethnic
groups, which corresponded to the association of anthropology and medicine. They

also applied some methods of mathematical statistics as a tool to analyse the
information during the investigation process, e.g. sorting by preference, ranking
matrix or comparing the three groups [19], [81]. This provides more reliability to a
simple list of medicinal plants or to develop management recommendations from
scientifically sound conclusions [52].
Although many comments assert that scientific knowledge and traditional
knowledge are without resemblance, the contribution of ethnomedicinal research of
Soleri and Cleveland proved the two observations might share many similarities
and connections in similar model [81]. According to many experts, ethnomedicine
in the future will have significant improvements in methodology to make the
valuable studies and to contribute the conservation of natural resources and their
traditional knowledge.

7


1.2 VIETNAMESE TRADITIONAL MEDICINE
1.2.1 History of traditional medicine in Vietnam [30]
Vietnamese traditional medicine experienced a period of long history and many
changes. Like Oriental traditional medicine, it was built based on the philosophy of
ancient dialectical materialism presented in the works of I Ching, Confucius, Laotzu, etc. and discriminated from the logical foundation of modern medicine. The
traditional medicine has come from the early beginning and gradually developed
into an indispensable part to present-day medical system.
The main stage of History of the Vietnam traditional medicine:
! The period of nation building (ancient times to the early first century BC): the
traditional medicine in this period was only an experienced medicine with its
characteristics such as spontaneity, orally transmitted, without any organization
or government health system.
! The period of Chinese domination (111 BC - 938 AD): the fact that the
Northern Kingdom’s Domination lasted one thousand years had a profound

influenced the traditional medicine. At that time, there were two distinguished
medicines:
" Vietnamese traditional medicine, which continued to promote the healing
methods and medicines at home. It mainly circulated in working classes.
" Chinese traditional medicine, which had a high theoretical level and
impacted significantly on the Vietnamese traditional medicine. It was
preferred by upper classes.
Although some important contradictions existed between the two medicines,
important exchanges occurred between these parallel medicinal schools. The facts
that many Chinese people often bought drugs from Vietnam, the Domination
mandarins took valuable medicinal materials or the Chinese physicians practiced in
our country are some good examples. Those exchanges led to initiate their

8


combination somehow, though no medicinal documentations were found. There
was still neither national nor private health system.
! The period of Ngô - !inh - Lê - L"- Tr#n - H$ Dynasty (939-1406): at Lê
time the Y vu, a kind of healing with spells and incantations, was widely trusted
and worshipped, but progressively this superstitious practice was opposed by a
rational movement developed by Confucius. Although several national medical
facilities were then established, they were mainly reserved for the royalty and
the aristocracy, and only for the public in case of epidemy. Beside a private
medical system was developed by Buddhist temples and charity organizations
but the activities were primitive and not organized. During this period, the two
national medicine schools continued to be combined. And the Vietnamese
traditional medicine gradually obtained its own definition, theoretical basis and
documentations.
! The period of the struggle for independence II (1407-1427): during the Minh

invasion all valuable books and medicines were carried off and all intellectuals
(including physicians) were relocated in order to destroy the Vietnamese culture
and to ensure by the force the Minh policy assimilation. Hence, medicine during
that time did not develop.
! The period of Post Lê - Tây S%n - Nguy&n Dynasty (1428-1788): traditional
medicine academically thrived in width and depth, demonstrating significantly
its independence and self-management. The network of government health care
was implemented throughout all country and the Western medicine appeared.
! The period of French colonialism (1885-1945): traditional medicine, including
Vietnamese medicine and Chinese medicine was excluded from the national
health care system, and the folk medicine was found in private practices.
! The period of resistant war against French colonialism (1945-1954): the
French blockade of the pharmacies encouraged the researches in alternative
medicine and led to rapidly spread again the traditional medicine.

9


! The period of building socialist government in the North and resistant war
against American imperialism (1954-1975). In that time Viet Nam was
temporarily divided into two regions with its own traditional medicine.
" Northern region: Uncle H$ advocated for setting up in the country a single
medicine suitable for all people and based on scientific principles, ethnic,
public considerations, i.e. combining folk and western medicine. Therefore,
the traditional medicine officially returned to national health system and its
development was highly facilitated.
" Southern region: the traditional medicine in its whole stood apart from the
national health system, with the two distinguished traditional medicine
schools: Vietnamese medicine and Chinese medicine. They were practiced
either as self-medication or organized in private practices and more

dedicated to treat the poor.
! From 1975 to present: after the national liberation event, traditional medicine
became an academic field which was officially taught into Medicinal University
and College in order to promote the co-ordination between traditional medicine
and modern medicine. The number of research and development institutes
dealing with traditional medicine increased, contributing greatly to provide
community health care.
1.2.2 Medicinal plants in Vietnam [5], [30], [73]
With a large diversity of the topographical factors and climate, Vietnam is a country
with more than abundant medicinal plant resources and a rich pharmacopeia.
From millennia of history, we have inherited of a priceless experience in folk
medicine reported by many well-known tradipractitioners, such as Tu% T&nh (14th
Century) who wrote several books about drugs and therapies. Only two books from
this period remain. The first one is “Nam d!'c th(n hi%u” (The miraculous effect of
the traditional medicine) which includes 580 ingredients of traditional remedies and
the other is “H$ng Ngh&a giác t! y th!” (Hong Nghia’s summary of using

10


traditional medicine) which covers 600 medicinal drugs and uses. In the 18th
Century, Lê H)u Trác (also known H*i Th!'ng Lãn Ông) added 330 other
ingredients to the latter book and published it as “L&nh Nam b*n th*o” (Linh Nam’s
traditional medicine book), which formed the basis of the current traditional
medicine in Vietnam.
During the 18th and 19th centuries, in the age of the Quang Trung King and the
Nguy+n Dynasty, many works on the Vietnamese traditional medicine were
published. Among them, some books have been maintained until now, such as
“Nam d!'c” (Vietnamese traditional medicine) and “Nam d!'c ch, danh truy-n”
by Nguy+n Quang Tuân, which meticulously records 500 medicines with folk

experience or “Nam d!'c t#p nghi%m qu.c âm” by Nguy+n Quang L!'ng.
By the 20th century, Vietnamese government has stimulated research on medicinal
plants resources to be used in primary healthcare. From 1960 to date, over 200
species of medicinal plants have been commercialized. There have been many
publications on Vietnamese medicinal plants. Some review books are the major
references for all Vietnamese scientists:
" “Nh)ng cây thu.c và v/ thu.c Vi%t Nam” (The medicinal plants and
remedies in Vietnam” (1962 -1965) by 01 T2t L'i [17], which introduced
800 animals, plants and medicinal herbs including the study of their
chemical composition, medicinal properties, all medications derived from
these resources.
" “T3 4i5n cây thu.c Viêt Nam” (Dictionary of the medicinal plants of
Vietnam) by Võ V6n Chi [6], which mentioned about 3200 medicinal plants
with their uses, chemical properties and so on in details.
" “Cây c7 Vi%t Nam” (An illustrated flora of Vietnam) by Ph8m Hoàng H9
(2001) [13], which described 10500 species of plant morphology existing in
Vietnam, including many medicinal plants with their profiles of
morphological characteristics and medicinal uses. In 2006, over 2000 herb

11


species have been also integrated in the “Medicinal plants of Vietnam” by
the same author [14].
" There are also additional books, such as the “Resources of medicinal plants”
by 01 Huy Bích (1993) [2], the “Medicinal plants and animals as medicines
in Vietnam” by 01 Huy Bích editor (2006).
Nowadays, in addition to the medical aspect, medicinal plants bring significantly
profitable export to pharmaceutical industry and national economy. Each year,
10.000 to 20.000 tons of different kinds of medicinal herbs collected from Nature

are used for domestic demand and export [22]. However, due to extensive
exploitation together with the lack of attention to the regeneration ability and many
other reasons, led those resources to have been depleted more and more. Thus, in
recent years, some scientists have built lists of medicinal plants which should be
protected and their status. Those lists can be found in various public references. For
examples, the research work “Threatened medicinal plants to extinction in Vietnam
have been found in the Hoàng Liên S:n Mountainous area” by Nguy+n T#p et al.
(2005) reported 62 species of threatened medicinal plants in the area [21]. Among
of them, 33 species were identified in great danger (CR-Critically Endangered, ENEndangered). Therefore, the scientists suggested an overall solution for the
conservation of medicinal plants, including developing new protected area,
enforcing forest protection laws and intensifying researches on cultivation of
medicinal plants in the buffer zones of National Parks. In addition, there are several
study conducted with the similar aims, such as “Handbook of medicinal plants
requiring protection in Vietnam” and “Building red list of medicinal plants in
Vietnam” by Nguy+n T#p in 2007 and 2009 [22], “The Red Book of Vietnam”
(2007) edited by the Ministry of Science Technology and Environment which
includes some threatened medicinal plants [4], and “The status of medicinal plants
resources in the Lò Gò - Xa Mát National Park” documented by L; Ng(2007) [20].

12


In the recent past until now, medicinal plants have received the attention of many
scientists and research institutions. But most of the past and present studies focus on
the aspect of pharmaceutical properties and utilities. However medicinal plants and
indigenous knowledge have still many other issues that are not studied in details
[23]. In general, traditional medicinal studies are more popular in Northern
Provinces than in Southern ones and those studies often assess the diversity of
medicinal plant resources including taxon diversity, life forms, habitats, used parts,

diseases and risk level and summarized folk remedies. A specific example of
ethnomedicinal study is “Medicinal plants of the Thái ethnic group - Con Cuông,
Ngh% An” by Nguy+n Ngh&a Thìn et al. (2001) [23]. The authors documented a
total of 551 plant species used mainly for medicinal purposes by Thái minority who
reside in Con Cuông Commune, Ngh% An Province, of which 72 medicinal plants
were added to list of medicinal plants in Vietnam and 12 species reported
endangered in the Red List of Vietnam. Besides, the evaluation of the level of use
of medicinal plants in adjacent communes and the biological evaluation of 50
medicinal species by testing antibacterial activity were conducted. In 2009, Thìn
co-authored with L) Th/ Ngân in the study “Research on medicinal plants of Thái
people, Th8ch Giám Commune, Trùng D!:ng District, Ngh% An Province” [24]
with the similar methodology. They interviewed traditional practitioners as well as
people knowledgeable on medicinal plants by using questionnaires in order to
document the medicinal uses and thereafter collect the cited plants. In this study,
the authors reported 3 more endangered species from a total of 231 species used by
the local people. Another study about medicinal plants used by Thái people live in
Qu= Phong Commune, Ngh% An Province carried out by Tr(n Th/ Mai Hoa et al.
(2007) which based on Thìn’ study methodology [10]. There are other recent
interesting similar studies performed in other areas, such as “Some results of
research on medicinal plant resources in natural Copia Reserve, Thu#n Châu
District, S:n La Province” by 0inh Th/ Hoa and Tr(n Minh H'i (2009) [9], or “The
data of medicinal plant of M!>ng people, C?m Th@y - Thanh Hóa ” (2009) by 0#u

13


Bá Thìn et al. [25]. In addition, Sam et al. (2008) conducted the study on medicinal
plants used by the local people in B=n En National Park, Thanh Hóa Province.
Specially, in this quantitative research study the authors investigated the variation in
traditional knowledge among informants using the Use Index and compared the

medicinal uses in B=n En National Park with those in other area of Vietnam and in
elsewhere of South-East Asia and the Indo-Pacific region. The conservation,
sustainable use and economic potential of medicinal plants were also discussed here
[77].
In the South of Vietnam, the number of published research on traditional medicinal
plants is pretty low. Among them is the project “Investigation, evaluation the status
and developments of animal and plant resources in Lò Gò-Xa Mát National Park,
Tây Ninh Province” (2006), conducted by the co-operation of many institutes and
scientists. In the report, medicinal plants have been shown to have an important role
in the area because they gathered 50% of total taxa recorded in the National Park
and gave a remarkable income for the local people by collecting them from wild
habitat though it was considered illegal. Hence, the forest resource in general and
the medicinal resource in particular was facing the serious threat - overexploitation
[33]. In 2009, L!u H$ng Tr!>ng et al. reported 163 taxa used for medicinal
purposes by the local healers in Takóu Nature Reserve. They collected the
medicinal information by mainly using semi-structured interviews and collected the
species during the field trips with local herbalists as well as healers. As the results,
there were 57 species reported for new medicinal uses and 14 medicinal species for
the first time as compared to some related literature [29].

1.3 CHU RU AND RAGLAI ETHNIC MINORITIES
1.3.1 Malayo-Polynesian ethnic group [15], [26]
Malayo-Polynesian community in Vietnam includes five ethnic minority groups:
Ch6m, Raglai, Chu Ru, Ê-4ê and Giarai. They permanently reside in the Nam

14


Tr!>ng S:n-Tây Nguyên area, a coastal plain of central part, and a small number in
the southern provinces. Despite sharing cultural background and origin since nearly

two millennia, each ethnic group of those adjacent residents remains at different
level of development in economic and social terms and keep their own particular
features in their culture and their society.
There are many theories about the origin of this ethnic group. In general, people
assume that the Malayo-Polynesian community in Vietnam has a common origin
with the one currently residing on the territories in Southeast Asia-Pacific. The first
group would have resided in the South-eastern China, but the development, the
increasing population pressure and the expansion of Han people would have led a
part of their ancestors to move toward the South by many routes. In the coastal
areas of Central and South Central Vietnam, the Chu Ru minority concentrated in
the Dran Valley of the Lang Bian Plateau whereas the Raglai minority mainly
inhabited in the mountainous areas of Nam Tr!>ng S:n-Tây Nguyên regions. Tri=t
(2000) commented in more details this migration theory. He believes that in Metal
Age, the Malayo-Polynesians in southern Indochina was formed by the five groups
listed above. One minority of this linguistic group would have stopped at the Dran
Valley of Lang Bian Plateau, which where was nearby the residence of K’Ho
people (Mon-Khmer language). Thereafter, since the new established ethnic group
identified themselves as Cru people (transcribed as Chu Ru later) which meant
“occupied new land”. Another part of the group would have emigrated in the forest
areas and called “Orang Glai” or “Glai” by Kinh people which meant “jungle”
(transcribed as Raglai later). Additionally another group would have settled on the
narrow coastal plains east created a minority called “Ch6m”. This theory is different
from the one of V6n (1998), who believed that Chu Ru people were a part separated
from Ch6m people [26].

15


1.3.2 Chu Ru people [7], [8], [18]
! Population and habitat

Chu Ru is one of the ethnic minorities established in Lâm 0$ng and Thu#n H*i
(Ninh Thu#n and Bình Thu#n Province now) and Khánh Hòa Provinces. The group
population is approximately 14.978 people (1999). Their language is similar to
Raglai and Ch6m’s language as they belong to the same Malayo-Polynesian
linguistic system. As said above, Chu Ru and the ancient Ch6m people have
possibly a common origin.
! Economic life
Chu Ru group has a sedentary farming lifestyle since a long time with some land
fields (hamsa), mountain-fields (apuh) and gardens (poga). Cultivation leads the
position in their economy with rice and corn as main crops beside vegetables,
beans. In particular the Chu Ru is considered as almost the only nation in the
Central Highlands who develop high-level irrigation systems. They also raise pigs,
goats and poultry. However, gathering the products from the forest remains a daily
source of food for them.
The local people usually make their household furniture from rattan, bamboo or
forest resources and also forge agricultural equipment, such as sickles, hoes, and
knives. Especially pottery is a handicraft tradition of Chu Ru with some wellknown trade villages like Krang Gõ và Krang Ch: Hamlet, L8c Xuân Commune,
0:n D!:ng District, Lâm 0$ng Province. Weaving here is not really developed so
most of the traditional costumes such as shirts, loin clothes or skirts are exchanged
with the neighbouring ethnic groups like Ch6m or K'ho people.
Hunting (amal) is a common activity in the Chu Ru life. Hunting wild animals to
prevent the crop destruction and supplies food and also is the male’s
hobby. Previously many villagers even arranged the hunting together.

16


Overall, the traditional economy of Chu Ru is the self-sufficiency in each family,
clan and village.
! Society

Traditional society of the Chu Ru is organized bases on villages (plei). Village land
is often a wide range of residential land, agricultural land with forests, rivers and
streams are considered as the natural boundaries (nal) which are admitted among
the host village (pop plei) together. The estate is descended from generation to
generation. A village consists of several clans and maybe other ethnic people who
emigrate from another area. The village land is property of the community, but
cultivation and building land are private ownership of each family.
The social diverges into two classes of rich (miag!n!) and poor (r!bah) expressing
by the flaunting possession such as small jar (s!tôk), gong (sar) or ivory (bla) ...
They are wealth mostly due to labour and production experience.
! Family and marriage
In the traditional Chu Ru society, the remnants of the matriarchal organization still
exist in large families, expressed by the importance of the wife and wife’s uncle
(mi"h) roles and by the fact that the right of inheritance belongs to the girls.
Large family usually has 3-4 generations living in a traditional big house sang
t!huh prong) and thus sharing the land ownership as well as cattle and agricultural
tools. However, due to the internal development and the external impact, the large
families quickly disbanded into small families, constituted by spouses and their
children. The new family is increasingly popular and often located next to each
other.
Chu Ru people tend to gather in a relatively unified nation so they often have
internal marital relations. However, they still have marital relations with other
minorities, especially K’Ho and Raglai people. Their regime of marriage is
monogamous. Women play an active role in marriage and men live with wife’s

17