The illegal wildlife trade

Studies of Organized Crime 15

Daan P. van Uhm

The Illegal
Wildlife
Trade
Inside the World of Poachers, Smugglers
and Traders


Studies of Organized Crime
Volume 15

Series Editor
Dina Siegel, Willem Pompe Institute, Utrecht University, Utrecht, The Netherlands


This series will publish theoretically significant books in two primary areas. One is
the political economy of organized crime and criminality whether at the
transnational, national, regional or local levels (focus on financial crime, political
corruption, environmental crime, and the expropriation of resources from developing nations). The other is human rights violations particularly in Third World
countries. Manuscripts that cover either historical or contemporary issues of the
above, utilizing qualitative methodologies, are equally welcome. In addition, we are
particularly interested in publishing the work of sophisticated junior scholars.

More information about this series at />

Daan P. van Uhm

The Illegal Wildlife Trade

Inside the World of Poachers,
Smugglers and Traders

123


Daan P. van Uhm
Willem Pompe Institute
Utrecht University
Utrecht
The Netherlands

ISSN 1571-5493
Studies of Organized Crime
ISBN 978-3-319-42128-5
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-42129-2

ISBN 978-3-319-42129-2

(eBook)

Library of Congress Control Number: 2016946943
© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2016
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part
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authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or
for any errors or omissions that may have been made.
Printed on acid-free paper
This Springer imprint is published by Springer Nature
The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG Switzerland


Foreword

The academic study of global trafficking in humans is as necessary as it is in
non-humans. In the last 50 years libraries full of books and articles have been
written about human trafficking and smuggling. However, there are a very limited
number of publications on illegal activities with regard to animals and animal
products. There is, however, no reason for criminologists to continue to exclude
these issues from their studies and to leave them only for biologists, zoologists or
environmental lawyers. Especially for cultural criminology this new area can be
important, if we take seriously the ambition and call of the leading cultural criminologists to discover new fields of understudies using original innovative research
methods.
In this book, Daan P. van Uhm has readily accepted this challenge by combining
and exploring two criminological issues: the transnational crime of the illegal trade
in wildlife and the ‘green’ perspective of cultural criminology.
The interrelationship between the upper- and underworld, the flourishing
activities of organized crime groups, which extensively use advanced technology
and make huge profits from the wildlife trade, on the one hand, and the dependence
of local communities and corrupt officials on the illicit activities of hunters, fishermen and poachers in order to be able to survive in difficult economic conditions,
on the other hand, manifest the complex nature of this phenomenon. It becomes
clear from the present analysis that the reality is not black and white, ‘bad’ or

‘good’; there are too many actors involved in the illicit trade chain with various
motives, expectations and aspirations. When a poor fisherman in a remote village
on the shores of the Caspian Sea describes his poaching activities as an act of
survival and remembers with nostalgic sentiments the ‘good old Soviet times’ when
he was considered a hero of the socialist economy and the pride of society, his story
could provide a much deeper and complex explanation for the nature of this kind of
crime than the prevailing stereotypes of blood-thirsty, merciless criminals. The
same is true for the non-negotiable, almost sacred belief of a Chinese patient in the
powers of traditional medicine, a belief which is transmitted from generation to
generation, and which is often illustrated with ‘examples of success’. Who are we

v


vi

Foreword

then, the Westerners, to dare to challenge these rich and very long traditions by
introducing unacceptable regulations? These are precisely aspects which cultural
criminology adds to the study of organized crime’s activities and which challenge
the existing explanations and logic.
Some of the issues discussed in this book can be generalized for other illicit
activities, for example the trafficking in drugs, works of art, arms or tobacco. The
modus operandi, the variety of roles both within and outside the criminal networks,
the facilitative functions of legal actors, etc. are usually discussed in the rich body
of literature on organized crime in general, and on illicit markets in particular. Little
is known, however, when it comes to the illicit wildlife trade and wildlife markets
in particular. van Uhm focuses on three specific case studies on three different
continents and shows, in a masterly fashion, not only common patterns of trafficking, but also the unique sociocultural conditions and settings in which the

wildlife trade is developed. The combined qualitative and quantitative methods
of the research and especially his ethnographic fieldwork allow him to dig deeper
under the statistics and to look for multiple aspects in order to explain this
phenomenon.
The second leidmotief of this book is green criminology, a new area of study,
which has recently conquered the hearts and minds of many critical and cultural
criminologists, with its focus on environmental harm, the danger of ecocide,
insatiable (Western) consumerism, and the victimization of poor local communities
in various parts of the world. The contribution of van Uhm’s work here is mainly in
reconsidering the meaning of luxury, from caviar to traditional medicine, and its
socially constructed and manipulated value, which leads at the end to disastrous
consequences for nature and wildlife.
van Uhm rejects the anthropocentric approach and chooses the ecocentric
approach, which doubts the artificial distinction between humans and non-humans,
emphasizing the growing concern about the reduction in biodiversity due to human
activities. In this regard, the worldwide illicit trade in wildlife is one of the most
extreme examples of human evils and a very serious form of crime.
This book is a good example of how an excellent ethnographic study, combined
with multidisciplinary theoretical explanations, contribute not only to social science
research, but also to the efforts of many concerned academic researchers to make
the public at large aware of the growing risks and dangers of globalization, and to
urge policy-makers to think creatively so that possible solutions can be found.
Dina Siegel
Utrecht University, The Netherlands


Acknowledgements

Since ancient times wildlife has fascinated, inspired, impressed and frightened
people all over the world. During this research I came to understand how symbolic,

functional and social meanings of wildlife influence the black market in both
Western and oriental cultures and civilizations. By uncovering the world of
poachers, smugglers and traders, the illegal wildlife trade has gained a face. It
turned out to be a lucrative and organized business driven by inequalities, corruption and a desire for unique and rare species with disastrous global consequences. Fortunately, humans have become more aware of the declining animal
populations and their loss for future generations. Hopefully, the insights in this
book will provide assistance in safeguarding the future of wildlife with which we
share our planet.
Writing this book would not have been possible without the support, participation and effort of numerous people. I am indebted to many informants who told
me their stories and shared their secrets with me. They opened the doors of their
houses, provided me with guidance and advice and introduced me to the fascinating
business of wildlife. Their stories, visions and hospitality during my fieldwork in
Azerbaijan, China, Kazakhstan, Morocco and Russia will be preserved in my
memory. I am gratefully thankful to them for all their help and unique experiences.
My foremost gratitude goes to Dina Siegel who convincingly supported me
through the entire research. I will never forget her unexpected invitation to write my
dissertation under her supervision, and I would have done it all again; it is amazing
how one moment can change one’s life. She always stood by me, shared her
knowledge, understandings and perspectives and convinced me to carry out
ethnographic research abroad. Not only she was very inspiring and encouraged my
intellectual freedom, but she has also become a great research partner.
I would also like to thank all my other colleagues at the Willem Pompe Institute
and especially Tim Boekhout van Solinge for all our conversations on environmental global issues that substantially inspired me during my research. Following
his lectures that stressed the importance of studying green crimes already persuaded
me to focus on wildlife crimes during my bachelor’s courses in criminology. I am

vii


viii

Acknowledgements

also grateful to Damián Zaitch whose constructive suggestions to improve this book
were of great value, Brenda Oude Breuil who shared her fieldwork experiences,
John Vervaele who kept me informed of news on wildlife trafficking and
Constantijn Kelk for the intellectual discussions about the role of animals in current
society. Furthermore, I thank my paranymphs Veronika Nagy and Elina Kurtovic
for their special assistance and support.
I am grateful to the support of David van Gennep, Eline Lauret and Raquel
García (AAP Sanctuary for exotic animals) and Gernant Magnin and Christiaan van
der Hoeven (WWF). Furthermore, I thank all (former) Ph.D. candidates for the
good times: Roos de Wildt, Rosa Koenraadt, Joep Rottier, Sjaak Zhang, Mark
Hornman, Elena Krsmanović, Stephanie Rap, Lianne Kleijer-Kool, Paula Gil
Larruscahim, Hanneke Mol, Kristien Hepping, Jessica de Jong, Byron Villagómez,
Julia Rushchenko and intern Grethe Pettersen.
Finally, I would like to acknowledge my friends and family who have remained
close to me in my life. And of course I want to express my immeasurable thanks to
my girlfriend Harma for being at my side and supportive in my work. Last but not
least, my son Atilla who has made my life indescribably more colourful and
meaningful than ever before.
Utrecht, The Netherlands
March 2016


Contents

1

Wildlife Trade Through the Ages . .
1.1 Ancient Egypt . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1.2 Roman and Greek Antiquity . . .
1.3 The Medieval Period . . . . . . . .
1.4 Early Modernity . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.5 The Modern Era . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.6 Lessons from the Past . . . . . . . .
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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The Sixth Mass Extinction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1 Global Defaunation and Ecological Interaction .
2.2 Creation and Management of Risks . . . . . . . . .
2.3 The Boomerang Effect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.4 Nature is Society and Society is Nature . . . . . .
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Imperialism and Criminalization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.1 European Interference in Nature Protection. . . .
3.2 The International Convention . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.3 EU Wildlife Trade Regulations . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.4 The Effect of Regulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.5 The Further Process of Criminalization. . . . . . .
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Crimes Against Nature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.1 Criminology and Green Crimes . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2 Animals in Criminology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.3 Through Time and Space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.4 Illegal Flows and International Inequalities . . . .
4.5 The Organization Behind Crimes . . . . . . . . . . .
4.6 The Greening of Criminology . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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ix


x

Contents

5

Enter the Field of Wildlife . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.1 Analyzing Seizures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.2 Chasing the Wildlife . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.3 Approaching and Understanding Informants . . .
5.4 Access and Building Trust . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.5 Talking About Illegal Business . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.6 Dangerous Situations and Ethical Dilemmas . . .
5.7 Literature, Police Reports and News Articles . .
5.8 Triangulation, Validity and Reliability . . . . . . .
5.9 Limitations and Difficulties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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The Numbers of the Trade . . . . . . . .
6.1 A Multi-billion Dollar Industry .
6.2 Animal Species . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2.1 Mammals . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2.2 Birds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2.3 Reptiles . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2.4 Fish . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2.5 Coral . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2.6 Molluscs . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.3 Source Countries. . . . . . . . . . . .
6.4 Destination Countries . . . . . . . .
6.5 Smuggling and Laundering . . . .

6.6 The Actors Involved . . . . . . . . .
6.7 Selection of the Case Studies . .
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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7

Black Caviar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
7.1 History of the Valuation of Caviar . . . . . .
7.2 The Collapse of the Soviet Union
and Emerged Regulations . . . . . . . . . . . . .
7.3 The Disappearance of a Prehistoric Fish . .
7.4 From Fishery to Aquaculture . . . . . . . . . .
7.5 Contraband to Major Outlet Europe . . . . .
7.6 Brakonieri in the Caspian Delta . . . . . . . .
7.7 Intermediation and Negotiation . . . . . . . . .
7.8 Hide the Eggs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

7.9 Trading, Counterfeiting and Laundering . .
7.10 Away from the Caspian . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
7.11 The Caviar Mafia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
7.12 Conflicts and the Caspian Ecosystem . . . .
7.13 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Contents

xi

8

Monkey Business . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.1 History of Keeping Monkeys . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.2 Protection Measures and Criminalization . . . . .
8.3 The Final Countdown? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.4 Macaques as Laboratory Animals . . . . . . . . . . .
8.5 Full Shelters and Illegal Trade . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.6 Poaching Young Macaques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.7 The Legal–Illegal Interface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.8 Crossing the Ocean . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.9 Business and the Informal Economy . . . . . . . . .
8.10 The Monkey Route . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.11 Colliding Criminal Networks in Morocco . . . . .
8.12 Environmental Harms and Zoonotic Diseases . .
8.13 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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9

Crime to Cure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
9.1 History and Cultural Use of Traditional Chinese Medicine .
9.2 The Implementation of CITES in Chinese National Law . .
9.3 Consuming Rare Animals into Extinction . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
9.4 The Globalization of the Trade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
9.5 The European Connection. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
9.6 Traditional and Opportunistic Hunting Abroad . . . . . . . . . .
9.7 The Emergence of Middlemen and the Culture of Guanxi .
9.8 Crossing the Chinese Borders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
9.9 Is Everyone Involved? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
9.10 Follow the Medicines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
9.11 Chinese Triads or Crime that is Organized? . . . . . . . . . . . .
9.12 The Impact of Poaching . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
9.13 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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10 Overarching Views and the Future . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
10.1 Social Construction of Value . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
10.2 Global Anomie and Criminogenic Asymmetries . . . . . . . . .
10.3 The Social Embeddedness of Crime . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
10.4 Mafia, Triads and (Semi-)Organized Criminal Networks . .
10.5 Ecological Interaction and Harms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
10.6 The Future . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279


xii

Contents

Appendix I: Status Category by Major Taxonomic
Animal Groupings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283
Appendix II: The World Country List by Continents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287
Appendix III: Species in EU Wildlife Seizures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295
Appendix IV: Source Countries of EU Wildlife Seizures . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297
Appendix V: Import Countries of EU Wildlife Seizures . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301
Appendix VI: Overview of Informants in Russia, Kazakhstan

and Azerbaijan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303
Appendix VII: Overview of Informants in Morocco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307
Appendix VIII: Overview of Informants in China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 309
Appendix IX: Overview of Informants in Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313
Appendix X: IUCN-CITES Status of Sturgeons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 315
Appendix XI: IUCN-CITES Status of Macaques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 317
Appendix XII: IUCN-CITES Status of Tigers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 319
Appendix XIII: IUCN-CITES Status of Rhinoceros . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 321
Appendix XIV: IUCN-CITES Status of Saiga Antelopes
and Pangolins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325


About the Author

Dr. Daan P. van Uhm is Assistant Professor at the Willem Pompe Institute for
Criminal Law and Criminology at the Utrecht University, the Netherlands. He
conducted research on various forms of environmental crime, such as transnational
illegal wildlife trafficking, deforestation and timber trade in Southeast Asia and the
illegal trade in dogs in Europe, and assisted in several lawsuits. During 2012–2015,
Daan van Uhm worked as a Ph.D. candidate at the Willem Pompe Institute and he
obtained his Ph.D. in criminology at Utrecht University in 2016. van Uhm primarily focuses on research in the context of green crimes and harms.

xiii


List of Abbreviations

BCE
BEIC

BSE
CBD
CE
CIA
CITES
DEFRA
EC
ECOSOC
EFSA
EIA
EU
EUROPOL
EU-TWIX
FAO
FBI
FWS
IFAW
INTERPOL
IUCN
KGB
LEMIS
NGO
RSPCA
SARS
TCM
TRAFFIC

Before Common Era
British East India Company
Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy

Convention on Biological Diversity
Common Era
Central Intelligence Agency
Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild
Fauna and Flora
Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs
European Commission
Economic and Social Council United Nations
European Food Safety Authority
Environmental Investigation Agency
European Union
European Union’s law enforcement agency
European Union Trade in Wildlife Information eXchange database
Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Fish and Wildlife Service
International Fund for Animal Welfare
International Criminal Police Commission
International Union for the Conservation of Nature
Komitet Gosoedarstvennoj Bezopasnosti (Committee for State
Security)
Law Enforcement Management Information System
Non-Governmental Organization
Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals
Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome
Traditional Chinese Medicine
The wildlife trade monitoring network

xv

xvi

UNEP
UNODC
USSR
VOC
WCMC
WCS
WHO
WIC
WSPA
WWF

List of Abbreviations

United Nations Environment Programme
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (Dutch East India Company)
World Conservation Monitoring Centre
Wildlife Conservation Society
World Health Organization
West-Indische Compagnie (Dutch West India Company)
World Society for the Protection of Animals
World Wide Fund for Nature


List of Figures

Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure

4.1
6.1
6.2
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
8.1

Figure 8.2
Figure 8.3
Figure
Figure
Figure
Figure

9.1
9.2
9.3

9.4

Idealized pipeline model of the illegal wildlife trade . . . . . .
Illegal wildlife groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
EU destination countries for illegal wildlife. . . . . . . . . . . . .
EU confiscations of illegal caviar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Origin and destination countries for illegal caviar . . . . . . . .
Job of perpetrator in the illegal caviar trade . . . . . . . . . . . .
Laundering illegally obtained caviar using CITES permits .
Supply chain (simplified) of the illegal trade in caviar . . . .
EU confiscations of and shelter requests
for Barbary macaques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Origin and destination countries for illegal
Barbary macaques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Supply chain (simplified) of the illegal trade
in Barbary macaques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
EU confiscations of illegal animal medicine shipments . . . .
Origin and destination countries for illegal TCM . . . . . . . .
Job of perpetrator in the illegal TCM trade . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Supply chain (simplified) of the illegal trade in TCM . . . . .

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240

xvii


List of Tables

Table 3.1
Table 3.2
Table 3.3
Table 4.1
Table
Table
Table
Table
Table
Table
Table
Table
Table
Table
Table
Table
Table

Table
Table

6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
7.1
7.2
7.3
8.1
8.2
8.3
9.1
9.2
9.3

Numbers of species listed in the Appendices of CITES . . . . .
Annexes to Regulation (EC) No. 338/97 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Overview of measures regarding enforcement
of CITES in the EU . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Perspectives on the relationship between humankind
and nature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Estimate of global and EU wildlife trade values . . . . . . . . . .
Estimates of illegal wildlife trade values . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Wildlife seizures by animal groupings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Wildlife seizures by country . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Job and main trade of perpetrators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Significant trade from five countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Types of sturgeon poachers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Types of caviar smugglers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Prices of illegal caviar on the market. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Barbary macaque population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Methods for transporting Barbary macaques . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Types of Barbary macaque smugglers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Types of poachers of animals for TCM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Types of smugglers of raw TCM materials . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Prices of illegal TCM ingredients on the market . . . . . . . . . .

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241

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xix


List of Maps

Map
Map
Map
Map
Map

2.1
6.1
7.1
8.1
9.1

Global patterns of global defaunation . . .

Export countries for illegal wildlife . . . .
Smuggling routes for caviar . . . . . . . . . .
Smuggling routes for Barbary macaques
Smuggling routes for TCM . . . . . . . . . .

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xxi


List of Illustrations

Illustration
Illustration
Illustration
Illustration
Illustration
Illustration
Illustration
Illustration
Illustration
Illustration
Illustration
Illustration
Illustration

7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
9.1

9.2
9.3
9.4

Caspian Sea, Baku, Azerbaijan 2014 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Poaching town Sulak, Dagestan, Russia 2014 . . . . . . . . . . .
Caviar market, Atyrau, Kazakhstan 2014 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Falsification of labels and CITES documents . . . . . . . . . . .
Aquaculture in the river, Ikryanoye, Russia 2014 . . . . . . . .
Poaching area Azrou, Morocco 2013 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Macaques for sale at the souk, Marrakesh, Morocco 2013 .
Six seized macaques, 2012 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Various wildlife for sale, Fez, Morocco 2013 . . . . . . . . . . .
TCM market, Anguo, China 2013 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Saiga horns and pangolin scales for sale, China 2013 . . . .
Tiger bone wine for sale, Harbin, China 2013 . . . . . . . . . .
Seized rhino horns, the Netherlands 2013 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

124
133
135
142
143
173
175
178
187
218
229
231

238

xxiii


Introduction

Today everyone is aware of the worldwide destruction of the environment. The
mass species extinction, global deforestation, oil dumping and global warming have
become much-discussed environmental topics in the twenty-first century. The
impact of the excessive hunting of iconic species, such as the tiger, elephant and
rhinoceros, is broadly highlighted by global concerns from the international community. This is illustrated by the poaching levels of rhinoceros in South Africa that
increased by 9,000 %; from 13 animals recorded in 2007 to 1,215 in 2014. If this
alarming trend continues, the species will disappear within a couple of years from
our planet. It is not unthinkable that future generations can only admire these
species locked in zoos, or worse, from pictures in a book, as has happened with the
Dodo. In order to point out that something must be done to prevent this ecological
crisis caused by human activities, world leaders stress the need to take action and
large demonstrations around the world are being organized by environmental
organizations and joined by citizens at large. Not only is the world shocked by the
rapid disappearance of species, but the actors behind these environmental crimes
would consist of violent gangs and highly organized criminal groups, which can
threaten national and international security.
Although biologists, ecologists and environmentalists have paid attention to the
trade in wildlife for some time, the efforts by criminologists to study these crimes
have been rather limited. The few criminological studies that have focussed on the
wildlife trade have been mainly based on desk research or interviews with
enforcement officials, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and experts, while
quantitative research that is currently available focuses on specific animal species
instead of providing a global overview of the situation. This exploratory research

consists of an important scientific addition in terms of qualitative and quantitative
data. Wildlife seizures over a 10-year period in the European Union (EU) were
statistically analyzed for the first time and, moreover, people actually involved in
the illegal trade in wildlife were interviewed to provide an insight into the illegal
wildlife trade. This study aims to contribute to criminological research in terms of
understanding and describing the nature of the illegal wildlife trade.

xxv


xxvi

Introduction

To understand the illegal trade I travelled to important source countries of illegal
wildlife, such as Russia, Morocco and China, to conduct fieldwork and to talk to
those involved about their illegal wildlife business. While I was warned that it
would be difficult to speak to the actors who are directly involved in the illegal
wildlife trade, interviewees were surprisingly talkative about their business. Not
only small-scale retailers but also big players have provided, sometimes extremely
detailed, information about their illegal activities making it possible to get a clear
picture of the entire process. In this book I follow the route of the illegal wildlife
trade from the poor poaching areas to the rich business districts as it passes through
countless hands and places, and is transformed from animals or eggs into desirable
items in the West. I will discuss the illegal wildlife trade from a historical, sociological, ecological and criminological perspective to understand the current situation and to sketch the expectations in the near future.
In Chap. 1, I elaborate on the global history of the wildlife trade, from the
ancient Egyptians to modernity, in order to understand the social context of the
trade. What kinds of wildlife have been traded in the past and for whom was the
trade intended? What was the functional or symbolic value of the trade and what
can we learn from history to understand the present situation of the wildlife trade? It

turns out that a wide variety of live animals and products thereof have been traded
for functional, symbolic or entertainment purposes. From ostrich eggs for the
treatment of fractured skulls, live monkeys as ladies’ pets to caviar as a delicacy for
the upper classes. However, the impact of the diverse trade in wildlife soon posed a
threat to certain species; it was already noticed in early antiquity that species had
disappeared due to the extensive trade. This continued more seriously in the
industrialized modern era with many incalculable consequences as discussed from
socio-theoretical perspectives in Chap. 2. What are the consequences of the wildlife
trade and why is it difficult to estimate and dispel these risks? Due to the harmful
consequences of the trade several scientists argue that it is time to consider ecocide
as a fifth International Crime Against Peace. Nonetheless, in reality only a limited
regulation of the wildlife trade exists and the development of regulations has been
strongly influenced by Western stakeholders in times of imperialism as described in
Chap. 3. Who were these moral entrepreneurs and why did they prefer to preserve
species and what were the consequences of their efforts? To date, the existing
regulation is primarily intended to allow the trade instead of criminalizing it. Yet,
the process of criminalization has recently started under pressure from NGOs and
other moral entrepreneurs. The United Nations Commission on Crime Prevention
and Criminal Justice has agreed that the illegal wildlife trade should be treated as a
‘serious crime’, an offence punishable by a maximum deprivation of liberty of at
least 4 years or a more serious penalty. In this context, the question arises what has
been the role of criminology in studying crimes against nature and the wildlife trade
specifically. Chapter 4 draws upon the limitations of the discipline of criminology
and its confined attention to environmental issues and it will be argued that it is now
time for criminologists to cross the borders of orthodox criminology. Furthermore,
criminological explanatory models will be introduced that can be applied to study
the actors and organization behind the illegal wildlife trade. At the end of the


Introduction

xxvii

chapter it will be argued that from a green criminological perspective the harm
principle should be extended to study a broad area of victims, including animals and
ecosystems. Chapter 5 focuses on the qualitative and quantitative research methods
used in this study and their limitations. I will describe the coding of wildlife
seizures to get an overall view of the visible illegal wildlife trade and explain how
my informants were approached, why they were prepared to talk about their illegal
business and how I dealt with dangerous situations. After the methodological
justification the empirical data description of the EU seizures will be presented in
Chap. 6. The diversity and transnational characteristics of the illegal wildlife trade
are highlighted by quantitative analyses by asking what kind of illegal wildlife is
traded, what are the source countries and major outlets, what kinds of smuggling
and laundering methods are used and who are the perpetrators? The quantitative
analyses are then used to select the three case studies in this research: the illegal
trade in caviar, Barbary macaques and traditional Chinese medicine. These case
studies are then qualitatively investigated based on fieldwork in the source countries. In the first case study, I describe how fish eggs became an extremely highly
valued product of luxury and how organized crime took advantage of this lucrative
caviar market in Chap. 7. This case study provides in-depth information about the
social organization, modus operandi, trade routes and consequences based on
fieldwork in Russia, Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan. In the second case study, the
illegal trade in the endangered Barbary macaques will be discussed based upon the
history of keeping pets as described in Chap. 8. Again, based on fieldwork in the
primary source country of this monkey species, Morocco, the organization, methods and trade routes of the criminal entrepreneurs will be examined together with
the environmental harm of this illegal wildlife trade. After the symbolic use of
caviar as a delicacy and the entertainment use of monkeys as pets, the time has
come to describe the functional use of parts of endangered species, such as tiger
bones and rhino horn, in traditional Chinese medicine. In Chap. 9 the illegal trade in
traditional Chinese medicine will be set out based on fieldwork in China. The case

study demonstrates how the business is organized, how this is done and what the
harmful consequences are. The overarching analysis of the three case studies, in
which the similarities and differences are discussed, takes place in Chap. 10, the
final chapter. In that chapter, the social construction of the value of wildlife,
the global anomie and criminogenic asymmetries that provide opportunities for the
illegal wildlife trade, the social embeddedness of wildlife crime, the criminal networks involved, and the ecological interaction will be analyzed to clarify the entire
picture of the illegal trade in wildlife. Finally, how the different perspectives of
wildlife crimes have changed in their social context and what can be expected in the
near future will be discussed. I will end with a brief conclusion to bring this book to
a close.


Chapter 1

Wildlife Trade Through the Ages

The distinction between the past, present and future is only a
stubbornly persistent illusion.
Albert Einstein

The trade in wildlife is not a new phenomenon. There has always been a market for
animals as sources for food and clothing, as companions or pets, or as strange and
curious objects (Alexander 1979). The earliest civilizations were linked to the trade
in live animals and parts thereof, from the Egyptian pharaohs to aristocrats in the
modern era. Ramses II was regularly seen with a tamed lion and Julius Caesar had
allegedly received a giraffe from Cleopatra. In dynamic social and cultural contexts
the meaning of wildlife changes. While, historically, exotic animals and the
products thereof were strongly connected to social elites, currently reptile and bird
fairs attract people from all walks of life who are looking for extraordinary animals
for entertainment. A broad historical overview of the trade in exotic animals and

parts thereof1 can place the current trade in its socio-historical context. What kinds
of wildlife have been traded in the past and for whom was the trade intended? What
was the functional or symbolic value of this trade? What can we learn from history
in order to understand the present situation of the trade in wildlife? Providing
answers to these questions is essential to explain the origin and historical embeddedness of the trade in wildlife in society.

1.1

Ancient Egypt

The demand for wildlife has existed for centuries; ivory may precede even gold as
the first globally traded commodity. The ancient Egyptians (±3500–500 BCE) used
ivory, from the time of their earliest dynasties, for making jewellery and carvings.
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I will use the term ‘exotic’ species throughout this book. With exotic animal species I mean
animals that are native to a foreign country or of foreign origin in character, i.e. animals that are not
native or that have been introduced from abroad (Schupplit and Fraser 2000).

© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2016
D.P. van Uhm, The Illegal Wildlife Trade, Studies of Organized Crime 15,
DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-42129-2_1

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1 Wildlife Trade Through the Ages

Ivory was obtained through trade (or looting and tribute) from Nubia, Somalia and

Ethiopia (Naylor 2004). The first African explorer in history, Harkhuf, already used
the route through Nubia, from Abu Simbel to Kerma to Lower Nubia, to trade ivory
in the twenty-third century BCE; the Nile served as a trade route. For centuries this
has been the shortest route connecting the natural wealth of Central Africa with the
markets of Near Eastern Egypt and the Mediterranean. Other exclusive products
such as leopard skins, giraffe tails and ostrich feathers were traded for religious
artefacts and medicines for luxury-loving Egyptians (Kirwan 1963). For instance,
leopard skins formed a part of the dress of priests (Budge 1934) and ostrich eggs
smeared with oil was included in the treatment of a fractured skull (Strouhal et al.
2014).
However, ancient Egypt is best known for the anthropomorphic representation of
(exotic) animals as gods. These gods shared the attributes and strengths of these
animals. For instance, the sun god Ra was regularly depicted as a lion; Hapi, the son
of Horus, was represented as a baboon; while vultures represented a range of female
gods, including Isis, Hathor and Moet (Hoage and Deiss 1996; Ikram 2009). Sacred
animals were believed to be avatars of a particular god and the spirit of the god
could enter their bodies during their lifetime. The ancient Egyptians were fascinated
by the nature, strength and diversity of animals and certain sacred animals were
mummified so as to provide a safe passage in the afterlife (Ikram 2009). This may
explain the special interest in exotic animals by the rulers of Egypt and
Mesopotamia.
From 2500 BCE several exotic animals were kept in menageries by the pharaohs, rulers and the wealthy of ancient Egypt (Kisling 2001; Houlihan 1996).
Around 1500 BCE Queen Hatshepsut (1508–1458 BCE) sent an expedition to the
‘Land of Punt’ to catch monkeys, leopards, exotic birds and giraffes for her
extensive palace menagerie. Queen Hatshepsut’s menagerie is probably the world’s
oldest established zoo (Mason 1999; Lennard 1996; Alexander 1979). Lions,
leopards, hyenas, gazelles, ibex, hares and porcupines were captured and transported in great cages from neighbouring deserts, baboons and giraffes came from
the ‘incense’ countries and the Upper Nile, while bears and elephants came from
Syria (Erman 1971). The acquisition and display of these animals were seen as
effective ways to represent imperial power over far-flung lands and to enhance

prestige (Foster 1998). According to Delumeau (1995), these menageries were the
original Gardens of Eden and served as a model for ‘paradise parks’ for ancient
royal leaders (Foster 1998). Furthermore, tamed animals were highly popular; small
monkeys were seen as ladies’ pets while Ramses II (1290–1224 BCE) had, for
example, a tame lion who accompanied him to battle and guarded the tent of his
royal master (Erman 1971; Kisling 2001). These exotic pets were mummified and
buried with the coffin of their owner or interred in a tomb in a separate coffin or
sarcophagus (Ikram 2004). The rarer the animal, the more value it conveyed.
Keeping exclusive species was a symbol of status, spirituality and power for rulers
in Ancient Egypt (Jennison 1937).