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TRANSGENDER IDENTITY a MULTIPLE CASE STUDY OF FEMALE TO MALE TRANSGENDER PEOPLE = DANH TÍNH của NGƯỜI CHUYỂN GIỚI NGHIÊN cứu đa TRƯỜNG hợp về NGƯỜI CHUYỂN GIỚI từ nữ SANG NAM

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VIETNAM NATIONAL UNIVERSITY
UNIVERSITY OF LANGUAGES AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
FACULTY OF LINGUISTICS AND CULTURES OF ENGLISH-SPEAKING
COUNTRIES

GRADUATION PAPER

TRANSGENDER IDENTITY:
A MULTIPLE CASE STUDY OF FEMALE TO MALE
TRANSGENDER PEOPLE

Supervisor: Nguyễn Thanh Hà, Ph.D.
Student: Nguyễn Thu Trang
Course: QH2017.F1.E2

HANOI - 2021


ĐẠI HỌC QUỐC GIA HÀ NỘI
ĐẠI HỌC NGOẠI NGỮ
KHOA NGÔN NGỮ VÀ VĂN HÓA CÁC NƯỚC NÓI TIẾNG ANH

KHÓA LUẬN TỐT NGHIỆP

DANH TÍNH CỦA NGƯỜI CHUYỂN GIỚI:
NGHIÊN CỨU ĐA TRƯỜNG HỢP VỀ NGƯỜI
CHUYỂN GIỚI TỪ NỮ SANG NAM

Giáo viên hướng dẫn: TS. Nguyễn Thanh Hà
Sinh viên: Nguyễn Thu Trang
Khóa: QH2017.F1.E2



HÀ NỘI - 2021


Signature of approval
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
Supervisor's comments and suggestions
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________


Acceptance page
I hereby state that I: Nguyen Thu Trang, being a candidate for the degree of
Bachelor of Arts (BA honors programme), accept the requirements of the College
relating to the retention and use of Bachelor’s Graduation Paper deposited in the
library.
In terms of these conditions, I agree that the origin of my paper deposited in the
library should be accessible for the purposes of study and research, in accordance
with the normal conditions established by the librarian for the care, loan or
reproduction of the paper.

Signature
Date



Acknowledgment
The research could not have been made possible without the guidance of my
supervisor, Dr. Nguyen Thanh Ha. She has been listening to every single idea and
sharing since the first day I decided to do research in the Intercultural
Communication Division till the day I completed my report. Her encouragement,
support, and constructive feedback have helped me overcome all the obstacles
during the process of conducting this study. Without her guidance and comments,
the research would still have been a simple one focusing solely on the participants’
experiences with discrimination, and I would probably still be insecure about it. Ms.
Ha, with her knowledge, enthusiasm, and critical comments, has guided me to fulfill
such an academic paper, which I could not have imagined being able to finish.
I would like to express my deepest gratitude to the three participants who
agreed to take part in my research. They have spent a great deal of patience and time
listening to me explain the purpose and procedure of the research, and more
importantly sharing their stories. They have been willing to be interviewed, share
all the smallest details, and confirm or explain more when needed. Without their
cooperation, the research could not have been finished successfully. Their time and
sharing are always deeply appreciated.
I also want to express my gratitude to all the teachers and lecturers in the
Faculty of Linguistics and Cultures of English-speaking Countries, especially in the
Intercultural Communication Division. They supported and inspired me with the
knowledge and comments on my reports so that I can complete my study with the
best result.
I would also like to thank my family, boyfriend, and all of my friends who
have given me the physical and emotional support to complete the study. My parents
and boyfriend had to put up with my mood swings during the process, yet still
understood and supported me all the time. They helped lighten up my moods,
provided me with gentle care, and encouraged me to finish the project. Their

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expectations and provision strengthened me on my journey. Their sympathy and
care will always be remembered.

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Abstract
Transgender people are those whose gender identity or gender expression
differs from the sex assigned to them at birth. Defying the usual understanding of
sex and gender, they often face numerous challenges in both the relationships with
themselves and with others. This study explores the identity experiences and
identity mediation by three female-to-male transgender young adults in Hanoi. Two
of the participants are gay, which further complicates their experiences. Through
the multiple case study design using in-depth interviews, the study reveals the
complexities and intricacies of self-knowledge and relationship with others. While
some of the participants became aware of their gender identity in their childhood
with more ease, others came to such realization at a much later time. Selfidentification is an ongoing and negotiated process, where they modify their sexed
bodies, affirm their gender, and adopt a label describing themselves. Even when
generally supported by their family, partners, and many within the LGBT
community, the participants still face certain resistance in expressing their identity,
especially in social, workplace, and institutional settings. Their strategic mediation
of self, including strategies like avoidance, ambivalent self-presentation, and
compliance with binary gender expectation, is performed in different social
contexts. Legal and medical institutions still present them with significant
challenges.
Keywords: sex, gender, sexuality, transgender, identity

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Table of contents
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ......................................................................... 1
1.1 Statement of the research problem ............................................................. 1
1.2 Research questions and scope of the study ................................................. 3
1.3 Significance of the study ............................................................................... 3
1.4 Organization .................................................................................................. 4
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ............................................................. 5
2.1. Transgender identity.................................................................................... 5
2.1.1 Basic terminologies ................................................................................. 5
2.1.2 Transgender identity at the intersection of sex, gender, and sexual
orientation ........................................................................................................ 7
2.1.3 Transgender identity development ..................................................... 10
2.2 The social and legal status of transgender people in Vietnam ................ 11
2.3 Transgender experiences ............................................................................ 13
CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY ...................................................................... 16
3.1. Research design .......................................................................................... 16
3.2. Selection of participants ............................................................................ 16
3.3. Data collection and analysis ...................................................................... 17
3.3.1. Instrument ............................................................................................ 17
3.3.2. Procedure.............................................................................................. 17
CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION ................................................ 19
4.1 General information ................................................................................... 19
4.2 Self-identification as a transgender person .............................................. 20
4.2.1 Initial self-awareness and body modification..................................... 20
4.2.2 Finding an appropriate label ............................................................... 22
4.3 Mediation of identity expressions .............................................................. 23
4.3.1 Family - a generally safe place............................................................. 23
4.3.2 Working environment and social relationship – ambivalent selfrepresentation ................................................................................................ 25

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4.3.3 Institutional places – negotiating heteronormative and cisnormative
expectations .................................................................................................... 27
4.3.4 LGBT offline events and social platforms – mixed interactions ...... 29
4.3.5 Romantic relationship - defying the heteronormativity.................... 33
4.4 Discussion ..................................................................................................... 34
4.4.1 Self-identification .................................................................................. 34
4.4.2 Identity mediation ................................................................................. 36
4.4.3 Vietnamese insights .............................................................................. 37
CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION ............................................................................ 40
5.1 Summary of the findings ............................................................................ 40
5.2 Implications ................................................................................................. 41
5.3 Limitations and suggestions for further studies ....................................... 41
References
Appendices

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List of abbreviations
FTM: Female to male (transgender people)
MTF: Male to female (transgender people)
LGBT: Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender
iSEE: Institute for Studies of Society, Economy, and Environment

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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION
1.1 Statement of the research problem
Along with the development of technology and social media, transgender
people, whose self-identified gender is different from their biological sex, have
gained more visibility. More transgender representation can now be seen in movies,
songs, commercials, and other media, and more transgender people have come out
and lived as themselves. In Vietnam, more and more Vietnamese, especially
celebrities, are coming out as transgender. Some prominent transgender actresses
and singers are Lam Khanh Chi, Cindy Thai Tai, Huong Giang Idol, Le Thien Hieu,
and Lynk Lee, whose coming out stories have been reported and discussed on
newspaper and social media. Although generally accepted in showbiz and the
industry, these transgender celebrities still face prejudices and discrimination, most
prominently online through social media. Sometimes people still judge their stories,
mock their birth names, dismiss their pronouns, or make fun of their sex
reassignment experience.
In 2019, I went to an exhibition held by It’s T Time called “Độc mộc - Gieo
neo định giới.” I was amazed by all the images, arts, and stories about and by
transgender people. One work featured a wall filled with a massive number of
petitions sent by transgender people to change their names and genders on legal
documents. Even though at that time Vietnam had allowed the legal status of
transgender people, their wish was not fulfilled, and all the petitions were sent back.
What I remember the most was walking inside a quiet dark room with “Thị” and
“Văn” (Vietnamese middle names referring to girls and boys respectively) painted
on the walls, entering a cage wrapped with a barbed wire, being bombarded with
thousands of irritating voices saying “Là con trai làm sao mà đẻ được?” (How can
a man give birth?), “Nam không ra nam nữ không ra nữ” (Neither male nor female),
“Đồ bê đê” (Gay) and so on. Those voices kept resounding in my mind even after I
1



got out of that room, which I could not bear to stand in for more than a few minutes.
When my transgender companion walked out of the room, he told me that those
sayings are embedded in their heads, haunting them every single day. That
experience was one of the motivations for me to conduct this research, to read and
know more about the community, to listen to the participants’ stories, to partly put
myself in their shoes, to understand them better, and to make their stories be heard.
Many studies have been done on LGB individuals but little research has been
conducted on transgender identity and how it is mediated socially. There are also
conflicting results among transgender studies about their identity and sexuality.
While Pham, Le, and Mai (2012) stated that transgender people tend to be
heterosexual (interested in the opposite sex), Nourafshan (2017) revealed that a
transgender person identifying as homosexual or bisexual is not uncommon.
Challenging both sexuality and gender norms, transgender people face
misunderstanding and discrimination from not only the heterosexual and cis
population but also LGB people (Clements-Noelle et al., 2006). Notably, Weiss
(2003) found out that American lesbian and gay people tend to exert prejudice and
discrimination towards bisexual and transgender people due to their identity politics.
Lesbian and gay people have been fighting to normalize homosexuality as an
orientation, yet bisexual and transgender people, who may comply with the
heterosexual world, are threats to their homosexual identities. This “internalized
heterosexism” (Weiss, 2003, p.53) presents a divide between LG and BT members
in the LGBT community.
There are only a few prominent studies and publications on the transgender
community in Vietnam. Among these are the studies on the transgender journey by
Pham, Le, and Mai (2012), transgender handbooks by Luong et al (2016), and
Nguyen and Chu (2017); report on transgender rights and laws by iSEE (2014), Vu
(2018). While the handbooks and reports on rights focus mostly on providing
information for transgender people, the study of the transgender journey by Pham,
Le, and Mai (2012) provided some insights into the stories of transgender people,
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both FTM and MTF. However, some of its findings seem conflicting and outdated.
Other research done by international researchers on Vietnamese transgender people
that I could access (Nguyen, 2019; Nguyen et al, 2019; Do & Nguyen, 2020) focuses
on healthcare conditions and attitudes of clinical workers. Therefore, there is a need
to study more on FTM transgender people in Vietnam and their experience of self,
coming out, and interacting with others in the Vietnamese context.
In short, my personal interest in this topic, the still limited understanding and
acceptance of transgender people, and the scarcity of literature in the Vietnam
context have led me to study how identity is perceived and expressed by transgender
people.
1.2 Research questions and scope of the study
This research seeks answers to the following research questions:
1. How have the participants come to identify themselves as transgender
people?
2. How are their identity expressions mediated socially?
There are other definitions for the initialism T in LGBT such as Transvestite
- considered as cross-dressers who dress in a style or manner of the opposite sex
(Nissim, 2018) but in this study, the researcher will refer to the T as Transgender
(whose gender identity is different from their biological sex). Within this
community are two subgroups, Male to Female (FTM) and Female to Male (FTM),
who differ significantly in terms of identity and experiences. For this reason and the
fact that it is very difficult to find transgender participants, the study only seeks to
investigate the stories of three young Female to Male (FTM) transgender people in
Hanoi, who were born as female but identify as men.
1.3 Significance of the study
This study contributes original insights into the reality of what transgender
people are experiencing personally and socially. At a practical level, the study may
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help raise the awareness of diversity in gender identity, gender expression, and
sexuality. In terms of scholarly significance, the study adds to the limited literature
about the transgender experience, particularly in the unique context of Vietnam. It
could also serve as a reference for further studies on related topics.
1.4 Organization
The research is divided into 5 chapters. The first one introduces the research
problem, research question, research scope, significance, and organization of the
paper. The following chapter is the Literature Review, which provides the
theoretical background of the study, including definitions of key concepts,
conceptual framework, and related studies in the field. The Methodology chapter
presents information regarding the setting, selection of participants, instruments,
and procedures employed in the research. Chapter 4 is Findings and Discussion in
which I analyze the data collected to answer the two research questions and make
connections with other studies. Last but not least, the Conclusion summarizes the
key findings, presents the limitations of the study, and suggestions for further
studies. At the end of the report are the References and Appendices including the
consent form and guiding interview questions.

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CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1. Transgender identity
2.1.1 Basic terminologies
Gender identity refers to the self-perception of gender (who one
thinks/identifies they are). One can perceive themselves as a woman, man, or queer
(or questioning). Biological sex is the sex one is assigned at birth, determined based
on their organs, hormones, and chromosomes. If one is born with a vagina, with a

high level of estrogen and XX chromosomes, their sex is female. If one is born with
a penis, with a high level of testosterone and XY chromosomes, their sex is male. A
person born with both a vagina and a penis, or with chromosomes or hormones
different from the genital part is intersex. People whose gender identity is different
from their biological sex are called transgender people. A person born with a female
body but identifies as male is called a Female to Male (FTM) transgender person.
A person born with a male body but identifies as female is called a Male to Female
(MTF) transgender person. In contrast, people whose gender identity matches their
biological sex are called cisgender people.
Gender expression concerns how people express their gender by dressing,
behaving, or acting based on traditional gender roles (feminine, masculine or
androgynous). Sexual orientation, or sexuality, concerns who one is attracted
emotionally and physically to, based on their genders. If one is interested in the
same gender that they identify themselves as, that person is called homosexual. If
one is attracted to the opposite gender from their own, that person is heterosexual.
If one is attracted to either the same or opposite gender they identify themselves as,
that person is bisexual.
The first term to describe people with different gender identity (what gender
people identify themselves as), gender expression (how people dress and behave to
express their gender identity), and sexual orientation (who people are attracted to
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based on their perceived gender) was “third gender” in the 1860s, yet it was not
widely accepted in America (Bea, 2018). From around 1988, some American
activists began using the LGBT initialism (Bea, 2018). L stands for Lesbian (a
woman who is attracted to women), G for Gay (a man who is attracted to men), B
for Bisexual (one who is attracted to both genders), and T for Transgender. This
inclusive LGBT initialism was pervasively used by the 90s bisexual, transgender,
and queer movements. These movements involved questioning and critiquing

gender and sexuality norms, and regarding them as rather intricate, flexible and
shifting (Iovannone, 2018). After the transman Brandon Teena was assaulted and
killed in Nebraska in 1993, Kate Bornstein, Holly Boswell, Leslie Feinberg, and
Riki Wilchins put forward the term “Transgender” as an umbrella for people who
stood outside the gender binaries, or challenged the gendered norms and
expectations (Iovannone, 2018). However, this definition can include all LGBT
groups as other groups also defy gender norms and social expectations. As other
groups gained more representation in society, people began to refer to
“Transgender” as those whose gender identity is different from the sex they were
designated at birth and this definition has remained an accepted one.
The letter Q was added officially by the Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against
Defamation (Gutierrez-Morfin, 2016) for Queer (or Questioning) to refer to people
who do not identify their gender identity and sexual orientation. This is a bigger
umbrella that everyone outside the gender and sexual norms can fit in. The plus (+)
mark stands for other minority sexuality groups like Intersex, Asexual, and so on.
This led to different acronyms such as LGBTI, LGBT+, LGBTQIA+ to appear
(Iovannone, 2018). Numerous people have debated the use of these acronyms. Even
the LGBT acronym is still critiqued as each initial refers to a different spectrum and
cannot represent the groups equally: while LGB refers to sexuality, T concerns
gender identity. Despite these debates, people and scholars continue to use the
LGBT acronym to refer to the non-heterosexual and non-cisgender communities.
Therefore, in this research, LGBT will be used to refer to the whole community of
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people who identify themselves other than heterosexual with matched gender
identity and biological sex.
2.1.2 Transgender identity at the intersection of sex, gender, and sexual
orientation
Though it should be noted that sex, gender identity, sexual orientation, and

gender expression are different categories, they are not entirely separable. Sex is a
set of categories, usually including male and female, and is often thought of as
straightforward, but in reality it can be very complicated. Sex is determined based
on biological traits including genitals, reproductive organs, chromosomes, and
hormones. According to Virginia Prince (1987), sex is biological, is what people are
born in, and cannot be changed (Ekins & King, 2004). Sex is indeed assigned to
people when they are born but is often based on the external reproductive organs,
while other traits are often disregarded if the genitalia is unambiguous (Kuhnle &
Krahl, 2002). However, biological traits can be incongruent with one single
category of male or female. Intersex cases, who were born with several atypical
biological traits and could choose or re-assign their sex, suggest that sex is “both a
physical attribute and socially constructed” (Dozier, 2005, p. 298). Not all intersex
people are identified as intersex at birth. Some people who had genitals of both
sexes, or ambiguous genitalia, were assigned a sex and given surgery to correct their
genital organs from birth. This may lead to discomfort if they develop a gendered
self which is different from the assigned sex and decide to reassign their sex later
on (Phornphutkul et al, 2000). Some people can have reproductive organs, genital
organs, and sexed bodies different from their chromosomes, which is harder to
confirm. Therefore, there are cases when people live their whole life and selfidentify as the sex congruent with their appearance and body, but later genetic
analysis shows that their chromosomes are of another sex.
Concerning gender, the sociocultural construct of oneself as man or woman
(Butler, 1990), people construct their gender through various acts, based on the
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gendered beliefs and norms in a society. Gender is related to the social expectations
of certain roles, concerning how men and women should behave. Since gender is
socially constructed, gender fluidity emerges as a phenomenon when people can
change their gender identity and/or gender expression (Katz-Wise, 2020). People
identify as gender-fluid may conform to both ends of the binary gender identities

over time, or refuse to conform to the binary system, or be androgynous in gender
expression. This new term caters to any changes in the self-identification journey.
While gender identity relates to how one identifies themselves, sex is based
on biological traits and sexuality relies on those to whom one is attracted. Yet, the
three constructs are inseparable. On the one hand, people often rely on the awareness
of sexed bodies to make sense of their own gender, hence gender identity concerns
the match between birth-assigned sex and their desired self. On the other hand,
people often rely on the gender of whom they are interested to determine their own
sexuality as homosexual or heterosexual. Thus, identifying one’s own sexuality
involves awareness of both their own gender and their partner's gender. This way,
one’s sense of gender and sexuality might be entangled in their path of selfidentification. Sexual interactions can help assert gender roles (Pollock & Eyre,
2012). Being in a relationship not only helps people make sense of their sexuality
but also helps them make sense of their gendered roles and validate their own gender
identity. Sexuality “creates meanings about and through the sexed bodies and
gendered identities” (Schleifer, 2006, p. 68). Through sexual interactions, the
relationship between sexed bodies and the gendered self can be explained and
validated.
Transgender people can identify themselves as either heterosexual or
homosexual. James et al.’s (2016) survey of 27715 American transgender
respondents reported that 14% are bisexual, 16% are homosexual, only 15% are
heterosexual and the rest are of other sexual orientations such as queer, pansexual,
or asexual. However, since heteronormativity is still a dominant discourse,

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homosexual transgender individuals are still marginalized even in the transgender
or LGBT community.
Transgender people’s sense of self can be expressed most prominently
through gender expression--how they perform their gender to others. Gender

expression can be performed through a variety of “discursive means” (Butler, 1990,
p. 136), such as through body and appearance, behaviors and interactions, and
through addressed language. Transgender often perform their desired gender
through modifying their bodies, changing appearance, adopting gendered roles and
language. The body is the first way to perform gender, as it is one of the most
prominent images society sees in oneself. For FTM transgender people, having a
body with feminine features is distressing as they want to express and be regarded
as male. Therefore, transgender individuals often find ways to cover these feminine
features such as covering breasts, injecting testosterone to develop masculine traits,
or even getting an operation to possess male genitalia. They often give up female
clothing such as dresses or skirts to wear male clothing to perform masculinity.
There are a variety of ways for transgender people to assert their gender, but the
degree to which they perform their gender identity depends on the social situation
they encounter.
Butler (1990) suggests the theory of heterosexual matrix where she explains
the “cultural intelligibility” (p. 208) based on body, gender, and gender expression
using the binary system of heteronormativity. One’s gender and sexuality are read
through their body and performance of gender: a woman appearing feminine would
be a heterosexual female person, while a woman appearing masculine would be a
homosexual female one. This challenges FTM transgender people since they have
a female body, express a masculine gender so FTM themselves and others struggle
to read their gender and sexuality. Their body and gender expression may not be
congruent with the desired gendered self, which defies the norms of the gender
binary. The heterosexual matrix even challenges the gay FTM transgender people
as others would regard them as heterosexual men, and question their transgender
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identity. FTM transgender people, especially gay ones, struggle with the
heterosexual matrix and the heteronormativity that exists in society.

2.1.3 Transgender identity development
FTM transgender people encounter numerous challenges in the journey of
finding a true sense of self. According to Pham et al (2012), this journey is often a
long and arduous process since it extends from childhood to adulthood, thus, it is
related to the changes in gender expression. There can be different stages in identity
development for transgender people as discussed by previous researchers (Lev,
2004; Devor, 2004; Pollock & Eyre, 2012). Pollock and Eyre (2012), based on
previous research, propose a three-stage model of transgender identity development:
awareness of gender, identification of transgender identity, and social adaptation.
The first stage is when people are first aware of the gendered social norms through
their peers, the sexed body, and its relationship with self-image; figure out sexuality;
and are exposed to transgender information and community. This stage includes the
impact of school, puberty, and gendered information on transgender identity
development. The second stage is the recognition of transgender identity when
people explore the diversity of gender and sexuality to make sense of their identity
and adopt a label to represent themselves. The last stage is the social adjustment
when people come out to others, transition to their desired gender, and adapt to the
new gendered self.
Gagné et al (1997) studied the experiences of 68 transgender people and
categorized transgender identity into multiple groups. The first group, called
transsexuals, consists of those who wish to permanently possess one gender identity.
In transsexual individuals, there are preoperative transsexuals, who have not
undergone sex reassignment operation but wish to do so, and non-operative
transsexuals, who use hormones but do not want a sex reassignment operation. This
means that not all transgender individuals want to have medical interventions in
their bodies, nor do they need to complete the operation to be considered a
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transgender person. The second group is called transgenderists. Radical

transgenderists are those who maintain one gender identity but dress as another
while ambigenderist can live as both genders alternatively. The later categorization
reflects transgender people in a much wider view, as it concerns gender expression
outside of operative choices. People often regard transgender identity strictly with
the sex-reassignment surgery while not all transgender people comply with the
gender binaries that reflect on their bodies.
As gender identity is complex and fluid, the narratives of individuals can
change according to the stage of transgender identity development. Ekins and King
(1999) categorized transgender identities into different types of narratives. People
with migration narratives want to permanently move away from their assigned sex
toward a different gender. Oscillation narratives reflect those who do not want a
permanent gender but still feel they belong to one gender rather than the other.
Those who do not conform to the binary system of gender and possess gender
ambiguity have negation narratives. Finally, people with transcendence narratives
do not conform to the binary system and want to erase the binary system.
2.2 The social and legal status of transgender people in Vietnam
When the keywords người chuyển giới Việt Nam (Vietnamese transgender
people) are searched on Google, the top results are “Top 5 most beautiful
transgender girls”, “Top 10 most famous transgender women in showbiz”. These
results come with celebrities such as Huong Giang Idol or Lynk Lee, who have come
out as transgender people and have undergone sex-reassignment surgery. They are
portrayed to perform their desired gender (opposite with their assigned gender at
birth) in the same way as a cis person would perform in the gender norms
(NExtGEN, 2019). This means that MTF transgender people’s images in media
often are pretty, with full female body parts, high voice, long hair, with female
clothing like dresses and skirts. Though less represented, FTM transgender people
are often thought to be masculine, with small breasts, deep voice, growing body
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hair, short hairstyle, and male clothing. This is a stereotype and a very narrow view
of FTM people.
In Vietnam, several institutions and organizations are advocating for LGBT
rights, such as iSEE (Institute for Studies of Society, Economy, and Environment).
Most institutions and groups work to build, empower and raise awareness about the
LGBT community in Vietnam. They organize many events for training, counseling
LGBT members, and conduct a variety of research on this minority group. There
used to be no social platform designated for FTM transgender people. They had to
join the gay or lesbian online forums and clubs such as LesKing, Thegioithu3, and
G3VN (Pham, 2012). But now, Facebook has emerged as a great tool for
communication and provided a platform for a number of groups and pages for
transgender people in general and the FTM transgender community in particular.
When I searched on Facebook using the keyword FTM and “chuyển giới nam”, a
page called FTM Vietnam Organisation with 11000 likes and the linked group
called FTM Vietnam with 5900 members came up as the first result. There are
events such as exhibitions and meetings that cater to FTM transgender people held
by It’s T Time, a page - an organization established as a safe place for transgender
people.
For transgender people in Vietnam, their movements had a major success in
2015. It was on November 24, 2015 when the Code of Civil 2015 was revised, and
passed, and took effect from January 1, 2017. In this Code of Civil, Article 37 states
that people had the right to have their sex reassignment in accordance with the law.
Article 37 also mentions the right to apply for a change to the civil status affairs of
transitioned transgender people. This article is a landmark for the community as it
opened a path for transgender people to come out and to be legally accepted.
However, the article only includes the right and obligations for transgender ones
who have had an operation, yet neglecting the ones that have not had medical
interventions. This calls for a change in the law to allow transgender rights
regardless of their gender expression or decision on surgery. In addition, Article 37
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fails to state the legal, medical, and social procedures for transgender identification.
Therefore, hundreds of petitions sent out to change birth names and genders on IDs
were returned and denied. Therefore, more explicit regulations and instructions are
needed (Vu, 2018).
Previous research also indicates that Vietnamese transgender people’s access
to healthcare is limited both by their financial budget (Nguyen, 2019) and the underpreparedness of clinical centers (Do & Nguyen, 2019). Healthcare workers still have
certain prejudices when it comes to transgender patients (Nguyen et al, 2019), which
makes it hard for transgender patients to receive the treatments they deserve, not to
mention medical interventions for sex reassignment.
Besides, the healthcare system in Vietnam has not been authorized to
perform sex reassignment procedures. Vietnamese transgender people who want to
go through sex reassignment operations often need to go to another country like
Thailand or Korea to have surgery. Even when they choose to get the surgery in
another country, the sex reassignment procedure is still very risky to their health and
even their life. In addition, after the sex reassignment in another country, they may
come back to Vietnam without sufficient care and regular checkups as Vietnam does
not have any hospital that specializes in handling transgender health issues. In
addition, many Vietnamese transgender people are injecting illicit hormones
(Nguyen, 2019). This has led to many tragic stories of people dying due to
complications from these illicit hormones (Ngo, 2018).
2.3 Transgender experiences
Compared with other groups in the LGBT community, FTM transgender
people, together with bisexual people, are seriously underrepresented (NextGEN,
2019). Therefore, FTM transgender individuals lack exposure to other FTM
transgender individuals, which plays an important role in their gender-affirming
journey (Pollock & Eyre, 2012). The portrayal of transgender people in the media
often supports gender binaries (Bui, 2018). Presented on the media, transgender
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people, usually transitioned ones, appear to have congruent gender identity and
gender expressions. This reinforces heteronormativity and may exert pressure on
transgender people to develop traits that are associated with the opposite gender.
Transgender people suffer from gender dysphoria--the feeling or distress one
feels when one’s gender is contrary to one’s biological sex (American Psychiatric
Association, n.d.). The lack of care or support from family may prevent them from
seeing a psychiatrist to tackle the problem of gender dysphoria. Many transgender
people do not come out for the fear of unacceptance and discrimination, hence the
gender dysphoria and self-doubt they suffer from may worsen over time.
Besides the healthcare system, which seems underprepared to provide
adequate care for transgender individuals, other social institutions may not be
friendly to transgender people either. Recently, numerous debates have happened
on the use of public bathrooms for transgender people (National Center for
Transgender Equality, 2016). Restrooms are not safe places for transgender ones.
FTM transgender individuals going into a male bathroom may face discrimination
and sexual harassment. However, if they go into a female one, they may be
considered a threat to cisgender people. In addition, transgender people struggle
with documents that list their biological sex, not the gender they assign themselves
with. It causes not only mental distress but also many social and interactional
problems (Hoang & Oosterhoff, 2016).
Compared to other sub-groups of the LGBT community, transgender people
tend to face more discrimination in terms of both degree and frequency. ClementsNoelle et al. (2006) researched suicidal attempts in transgender people and
concluded that they suffered from “more intense discrimination and victimization”
than LGB people since they “challenge cultural norms related to both sexuality and
gender” (p. 64). Research by Su et al. (2016) conducted in Nebraska, USA revealed
that transgender individuals were more likely to report discrimination, depression
symptoms, and attempted suicides compared with non-transgender LGB
individuals. They stated that the lack of self-acceptance of LGBT identity was

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associated with depressive symptoms among transgender individuals. In Vietnam,
transgender people are most likely to be discriminated against among LGBT groups,
according to Luong and Pham (2016). The researchers also noted that transgender
individuals faced discrimination so often that they have grown to be used to it and
no longer pay attention to the ongoing discrimination.
Despite all discussed above, it may not be fair to focus only on the challenges
and discrimination faced by transgender people. Acknowledging that, Riggle et al
(2011) researched the positivity of transgender self-identification. Their research
provides an interesting insight into transgender identity, which defies the norms that
associate transgender people with health problems and negative experiences. This
study, while respecting the participants’ difficulties, also seeks to provide a balanced
account of their experiences, including both the positive and the negative.

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