The Oxford Handbook of Cognitive Linguistics Part 45 pot

to the noun than the true adjectives. For instance, in Rendille we find the order
given in (22),
(22) sticks-my four long white
where the opposite relative adjacency is found. To explain the difference between
the two orderings, we must start from the twofold nature of common nouns. This
notion derives from the logical analysis of nouns by Bach (1968), who argued that a
noun is a variable combined with a predicate; for example, a doll means ‘an x that is
a doll’. In Langacker’s (1991: 54) terms, a nominal displays grounding and type
specification (among other things). Most languages (such as English) apparently
attract first the modifiers that fit in best with the type specification, that is, the
predicational content of the noun, whereas other languages (such as Rendille)
highlight the grounding aspect by attracting first the deictic modifiers. At the same
time, what the two language types have in common is the relative order of the
nominal modifiers with respect to each other.
Adjacency of Similar Elements
A third principle involves the adjacency of similar elements, whereby similar ele-
ments are placed together. Thus, in languages with the basic orders SOV and VSO,
the nominal elements subject and object are placed together. As such, for instance,
in the Dutch subordinate clause in (23), the nouns (proper names) are positioned
next to each other.
(23) dat John Sheila haat
that John Sheila hates
‘that John hates Sheila’
In Dutch, there is also a tendency for verbal elements to cluster in the so-called
verbal end-group, even ifthis disruptsthe adjacency ofheadanddependent, as in (24):
(24) dat John Sheila uit Londen terug zal brengen
that John Sheila from London back will bring
‘that John will bring back Sheila from London’
Although terugbrengen ‘bring back’ is one verb, the nonverbal prefix terug can be
separated from its verbal head brengen, as in (24), so that the verbal elements zal and
brengen cluster together. However, the order zal terugbrengen is also possible. Again,

we see two competing motivations, in this case head proximity as opposed to
adjacency of similar elements.
Relator in the Middle (RIM)
A special iconic principle of adjacency is the one whereby a so-called relator is put
in the middle of its two relata. One example of this principle is the typical or-
dering in coordination whereby a coordinator is placed between the elements it
conjoins, as in John and Mary. There are several such constructions.
410 willy van langendonck
a. Relator Constructions. A relator can be defined as a free or bound mor-
pheme that has basically two syntagmatic slots, or relata, in its semantic-
syntactic structure, such that the relator defines a specific semantic-
syntactic relation between the two relata. The first relatum is more gen-
eral in nature, has a freer position in the sentence, and can sometimes be
dropped; the second relatum is usually obligatory and has a fixed posi-
tion because it has a tighter bond with the relator. As a consequence, it
is normally not omitted.
17
In the following typology, the nature of the
relators and their relata will be dealt with (see also Van Langendonck,
Swiggers, and Van de Velde, forthcoming).
We can distinguish two major subclasses of relators: coordinative and
subordinative relators, with the latter further subdividing into predicative
and nonpredicative relators. Coordinative relators include coordinating
conjunctions, such as and in (25). Predicative relators are verbs and other
predicates, such as loves in (26); nonpredicative relators include adposi-
tions (i.e., pre- or postpositions), subordinating conjunctions, and certain
particles.
18
An example of an adpositional (prepositional) relator is in,
as found in (27). Usually, only this third type of relator is explicitly rec-

ognized as such in the literature. However, it seems advisable to broaden
the definition so as to include the three categories mentioned.
(25) John and Mary
(26) John loves Mary.
(27) The girl (is) in the garden.
Coordinative relators are defined by the fact that their two conjuncts (re-
lata) mostly seem to show a certain symmetry in that they are inter-
changeable, at least in principle. Still, even in productive coordination the
first conjunct is more prominent pragmatically and often refers to the el-
ement occurring first in time or space. In freezes, where the order of the
elements is fixed, the unmarked conjunct acts as the first relatum. Aside
from such freezes, the second conjunct displays a tighter bond with the
relator, being syntactically more essential:
(28) a. John and Mary
b. the king and the queen
c. here and there
d. She got pregnant and married.
By contrast, with subordinative relators, the two relata are hardly inter-
changeable because of the clearly asymmetric relationship between the two.
Again, the first relatum is usually more prominent. According to the
function of the first relatum, we can distinguish two types of subordina-
tive relators: predicative and nonpredicative. With predicative relators,
which are mostly verbs, the first relatum functions as the subject of the
iconicity 411
verb. With nonpredicative relators, the first relatum is either the relator’s
head or the subject of the predicate of a clause. In both types, the second
relatum has again a tighter bond with its relator, functions as a kind of
complement, and can hardly be omitted. Let us now consider the two types
of subordinative relators more in particular. Nonpredicative relators have
a complement as their second relatum: in (29a), for instance, the prepo-

sition in heads its object the garden;in(29d), the comparative particle than
heads its object Alice. The first relatum is either the relator’s head, as in
(29a)–(29c): girl, excitement, did, or the subject of the clause’s predicate, as
in the comparative sentence (29d): Kevin.
(29) a. the girl in the garden
b. the excitement before his departure
c. He did it before he left.
d. Kevin is taller than Alice.
Predicative relators have the subject of the predicate as their first relatum
and a complement as their second relatum. In case a verb has several
complements, we have to do with more than one ‘‘second’’ relatum (as
in 30a). The prototype of a predicative relator is a transitive verb. As is well
known, in a sentence such as John killed Bill, the subject John refers to
the agent of the action of killing, of which the patient, expressed by the
object Bill, is the victim. We take predicative relators to refer here to all
sorts of verbal categories (including auxiliaries and modal verbs), as well
as predicative adjectives, as in She is worth it. As second relata of main
verbs, we consider not only direct objects (as in 26 above) but, for instance,
also indirect objects (as in 30a) and prepositional objects (as in 30b):
(30) a. It cost me that.
19
b. She looked after him.
b. Iconic Ordering in the Relator Construction. As indicated by the principle
formulated above, relator constructions often show iconic ordering in that
relators take middle positions. Dik (1983: 274) states that ‘‘the preferred
position of a Relator is in between its two relata.’’ This syntactic order
reflects the fact that the relator establishes a specific semantic connection
between the relata. In the iconic ordering, the most prominent relatum
takes the first position, whereas the second relatum follows the relator.
Notice that it is only when the relator is a full word that it can exert any

influence on order. A good example of the principle of ‘‘Relator In the
Middle’’ (RIM) is the basic order of subject and object. As is well known,
the order SVO (42%) is far more frequent than the order OVS (1%) across
languages (Tomlin 1986: 22). Note that SVO competes mainly with SOV
412 willy van langendonck
and VSO order, where we find the principle of ‘‘adjacency of similar
elements.’’
c. RIM Languages. It appears to be possible to identify ‘‘RIM languages’’ in
which relators are typically put in between their relata. Thus, in the North-
ern European area we have discovered a belt of languages that we can call
RIM languages. These languages show the canonical order in relator con-
structions, but the (basic) order modifier-before-head in other construc-
tions. As we could see above, English is such a language and forms part
of this belt—as do Scandinavian, Finnish, and Russian, among others (see
Van Langendonck, Swiggers, and Van de Velde, n.d.). For relator con-
structions, I can refer to examples (25) through (30) above. Construc-
tions without a relator exhibit [modifier < head] as their unmarked
order.
20
This is illustrated in (31).
(31) demonstrative < noun: that town
predeterminer < demonstrative: all those
numeral < noun: three plants
adjective < noun: nice girl, red cap
proper name modifier < noun/participle: a London shop,
the Everard Brothers, Italy based
adverb < adjective: extremely intelligent
adverb < adverb: very well, not quite
compounds: broomstick, furniture shop
To conclude these paragraphs on word order, we can say that word-order

iconicity appears to be constituted by one general principle of closeness (or, alter-
natively, distance), under which come various subprinciples. Three kinds of close-
ness have been reviewed: closeness of events in narrative sequence, closeness to the
prototypical speaker or to the speakers as a physical entity, and finally, closeness in
content. Under the latter, I subsume simple adjacency, relative adjacency, adja-
cency of similar elements, and the medial positioning of relators.
3. General Conclusion

In this survey of iconicity, I have emphasized diagrammatic iconicity in language
and related it to markedness and to the prototypical speaker. It has also become
clear that iconicity fits in well with the cognitive and experiential tenets of Cog-
nitive Linguistics. Both isomorphism and motivation figure as important phe-
nomena throughout such basic cognitivist works as Langacker (1987, 1990, 1991).
iconicity 413
NOTES

For this overview of iconicity, I have especially benefited from the pioneering work done by
John Haiman in numerous publications (e.g., 1980, 1983, 1985).
1. For comments on Peirce in relation to the linguistic sign, see, among others, Pharies
(1985).
2. For overviews and reflections on iconicity, see, among others (besides Haiman’s
work), Bouissac, Herzfeld, and Posner (1986), Van Langendonck and de Pater (1993),
Motivation et Iconicite
´
(1993), and Simone (1994).
3. Certain authors observe that there are problems with these terms and concepts.
Greenberg (1995: 57–58) finds the term ‘‘isomorphism’’ unfortunate. Others point out that
the notion of ‘‘motivation’’ goes beyond that of iconicity (Motivation et Iconicite
´
1993).

4. According to Kleiber (1993: 120), the device of schematicity may turn out to be too
powerful since there is obviously no limit to the level of abstractness that can be applied to
the semantic definitions of the grammatical units in order to preserve isomorphism.
5. This generalized isomorphism paradoxically leads to the introduction of the notion
symbolic: ‘‘Lexicon, morphology and syntax form a continuum of symbolic units’’ (Lan-
gacker 1990: 1).
6. In certain cases, the generalization of isomorphism generates real conflicts with
motivational iconicity. Thus, Kleiber (1993: 121) contends that Langacker’s (1987: 216)
analysis of adjectives as relational predicates (like verbs) goes against the iconicity of
motivation because the landmark of adjectives is in fact never expressed (see also note 20). I
signaled a similar conflict between isomorphism and motivation with regard to proper
names (Van Langendonck 2004, 2007).
7. There are several criteria for defining markedness, which may even contradict the
‘‘more form, more meaning’’ criterion, but we cannot go into this here. See, however,
Greenberg (1966a) and, for a more recent account, Croft (2003).
8. Compare the notion of ‘‘embodiment’’ (see Rohrer, this volume, chapter 2).
9. Related to Mayerthaler’s (1980) concept of the prototypical speaker is Langacker’s
(1985) notion of ‘‘subjectivity’’ as opposed to ‘‘objectivity.’’ Both Mayerthaler’s and Lan-
gacker’s ideas lead to an explanation of the so-called animacy or empathy hierarchy, a
controversial topic in linguistic typology.
10. Langacker (1991: 447) speaks of a distancing effect of the conjunction that even in
pairs like She knows that he likes her versus She knows he likes her.
11. In the same vein, Ruwet (1984) deals with so-called equi-NP deletion: in French we
have to say je veux partir ‘I want to leave’ instead of *je veux que je parte ‘I want that I leave’.
However, if the volition and the action of the agent are independent of each other, two
propositions are necessary and equi-NP deletion cannot apply: je pre
´
fe
´
rerais que moi je

puisse faire cela ‘I would prefer I could do that’ (see also Langacker 1991: 448).
12. The iconic difference between kill and cause to die was ignored by Generative
Semantics, which derived kill from cause to die by a prelexical transformation. Fodor (1970)
already criticized this derivation by pointing out that cause to die, but not kill, may imply a
difference in time, for example in John caused Bill to die on Sunday by stabbing him on
Saturday; see especially Wierzbicka (1975).
13. Of course, languages may differ as to the rigidity of this cline. For instance, while
English may have a car accident killed him, the Dutch equivalent is not acceptable: *een
auto-ongeval doodde hem. This makes Dutch more iconic than English in this respect.
414 willy van langendonck
Apparently, the subject in English, which grammaticalizes topics rather than agents, allows
for more patterns than it does in Dutch, where the subject is primarily characterized by
agentivity.
14. Russian tam i sjam ‘there and here’ is an exception; here phonetic iconicity appears
to have overridden the semantic principle in that stops tend to precede fricatives in such
constructions: t before sj (see also Ross 1980).
15. Of course, politeness or political correctness may change this order, as in ladies and
gentlemen.
16. In its most general form, the principle of adjacency was already formulated by Otto
Behaghel (1932: 4): ‘‘Das oberste Gesetz ist dieses, dass das geistig eng Zusammengeho
¨
rige
auch eng zusammengestellt wird’’ [The primary law is that what belongs closely together
semantically is also closely placed together]. Rijkhoff (1992: 214) speaks of a principle of
domain integrity.
17. For example, in a sentence like John is in London, where in is the relator, John the
first relatum, and London the second, London has a fixed position immediately after in,
whereas John does not immediately precede the preposition.
18. The label ‘‘particles’’ also includes ad hoc morphemes that are hard to accom-
modate in an ordinary word class, e.g., than.

19. In this instance, the verbal relator has two ‘‘second relata,’’ the direct and the
indirect object.
20. That the pattern [adjective þ noun] figures among the nonrelator constructions
appears to contradict Langacker’s claim that adjectives are ‘‘relational’’; see also note 6.
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part ii

MODELS OF
GRAMMAR