the use of and the attitudes toward slang expressing surprise and disbelief among young americans = việc sử dụng và quan điểm đối với tiếng lóng biểu lộ sự ngạc nhiên và hoài nghi của giới trẻ mỹ

VIETNAM NATIONAL UNIVERSITY, HANOI
UNIVERSITY OF LANGUAGES AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
DEPARTMENT OF POSTGRADUATE STUDIES
***

PHẠM HOÀI ANH


The Use of and the Attitudes toward
Slang Expressing Surprise and
Disbelief among Young Americans

(Việc Sử dụng Và Quan Điểm Đối Với Tiếng Lóng
Biểu Lộ Sự Ngạc Nhiên Và Hoài Nghi
Của Giới Trẻ Mỹ)

PROGRAM I
M.A. MINOR THESIS


Field: English Linguistics
Code: 60.22.15


Hanoi, 2009


2

VIETNAM NATIONAL UNIVERSITY, HANOI
UNIVERSITY OF LANGUAGES AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
DEPARTMENT OF POSTGRADUATE STUDIES
***
PHẠM HOÀI ANH

The Use of and the Attitudes toward
Slang Expressing Surprise and
Disbelief among Young Americans

(Việc Sử dụng Và Quan Điểm Đối Với Tiếng Lóng
Biểu Lộ Sự Ngạc Nhiên Và Hoài Nghi
Của Giới Trẻ Mỹ)

PROGRAM I
M.A. MINOR THESIS

Field: English Linguistics
Code: 60.22.15
Supervisor: Prof.Dr. Hoàng Văn Vân

Hanoi, 2009

6
CONTENTS

Page

Acknowledgements

Abstract
Contents
List of Tables and Charts
Abbreviations

i
ii
iii
vi
vii

PART A - INTRODUCTION
1. Rationale
1.1. Problem statement
1.2. Significance of the study
2. Aims of the study
3. Scope of the study
4. Methodology
4.1. Research questions
4.2. Methods
5. Design of the study


1
1
2
3
3
4
4

4
4

PART B - DEVELOPMENT
CHAPTER 1: THEOREICAL FRAMEWORK AND LITERATURE REVIEW
1.1. Slang
1.1.1. What is slang?
1.1.2. What slang is NOT?
1.1.3. Slang as an integral part of youth culture
1.1.4. Slang as a language variety
1.1.4.1. Slang as a register
1.1.4.2. Slang and social aspects of language variation
1.1.5. Social functions of slang
1.1.6. Lexicological and semantic classifications of slang



6
6
7
8
8
8
9
10
11

7
1.2. Expressing surprise and disbelief via slang - a speech act
1.2.1. Speech act and speech act classification

1.2.2. Speech Act Theory
1.2.3. ―Expressing surprise and disbelief via slang‖ as a speech act
1.3. American slang and its role in today’s American society
1.3.1. American slang and its characteristics
1.3.2. Importance and prevalence of slang in today‘s American society
1.3.3. History of American Youth Slang (AYS)
1.4. Summary
13
13
13
14
15
15
15
16
18

CHAPTER 2: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
2.1. Aim of the Empirical Study
2.2. Methodology
2.3. Data collection methods
2.3.1. Questionnaire survey
2.3.2. Follow-up interviews
2.3.3. Participant observations
2.4. Conclusion


19
19
19

19
19
21
21

CHAPTER 3: DATA ANALYSIS AND RESULTS
3.1. Data presentation
3.1.1. Description of the population sample
3.1.2. Backgrounds of the respondents
3.2. Findings and discussions
3.2.1. The use of slang expressing surprise and disbelief
3.2.1.1. Frequency of slang use
3.2.1.1.1. Age and frequency of use
3.2.1.1.2. Gender and frequency of use
3.2.1.1.3. Education and frequency of use
3.2.1.2. Reasons for using slang
3.2.1.3. Contexts for slang use
3.2.1.3.1. Non-acceptability contexts


22
22
22
23
23
23
24
25
25
26

28
28

8
3.2.1.3.2. Mid-acceptability contexts
3.2.1.3.3. High-acceptability contexts
3.2.1.4. Classifying slangisms according to the trend in use
3.2.1.4.1. Out-of-date slangisms
3.2.1.4.2. Contemporary slangisms
3.2.1.5. Pragmatic classification of contemporary slangisms
3.2.1.5.1. Based on the social contexts
3.2.1.5.2. Based on the degree of emotion
3.2.2. Attitudes toward slang use
3.2.2.1. Age and attitudes toward slang use
3.2.2.2. Gender and attitudes toward slang use
3.2.2.3. Education and attitudes toward slang use
3.3. Summary
29
30
31
31
32
33
33
35
37
38
39
39
40

PART C –CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
1. Conclusions
2. Recommendations
2.1. For ESL teachers
2.2. For ESL learners
2.3. For ESL translators


41
42
42
42
43
REFERENCES

APPENDICES
Appendix A. 20 Slangisms of surprise and disbelief
Appendix B. Invitation Letter
Appendix C. Questionnaire on American Slang
Appendix D. List of additional slangisms of surprise and disbelief provided by
respondents
Appendix E. Commonly used slangisms of surprise and disbelief in America today

44

I
I
III
IV

IX
X



9
LIST OF TABLES AND CHARTS


TABLES Page

Table 1. Backgrounds of Participants
Table 2. Age and frequency of using slang
Table 3. Gender and frequency of using slang
Table 4. Educational background and frequency of using slang
Table 5. Classification of slangisms of surprise and disbelief based on the trend in use
Table 6. Classification of slang according to context
Table 7. Classification of slang according to level of emotion
Table 8. Age and attitudes toward slang use
Table 9. Gender and attitudes toward slang use
Table 10. Educational background and attitudes toward slang use

22
24
25
26
31
34
36

38
39
40
CHARTS


Chart 1: Frequency of using slang among American youth
Chart 2: Reasons for slang use by American youth
Chart 3: Non-acceptability contexts for slang use
Chart 4: Mid-acceptability contexts for slang use
Chart 5: High-acceptability contexts for slang use
Chart 6: Attitudes toward slang use


23
27
28
29
30
37





10
ABBREVIATIONS

ESL :
AYS :

L1 :

English as a Second Language
American Youth Slang
First Language (native language)
























11

PART A – INTRODUCTION

6. Rationale

1.1. Problem statement
David Burke, the author of Biz Talk series – the bestsellers of American business slang
and jargon, begins his book by quoting a common complaint by visitors to America, ―What
are the natives saying?! This isn‘t the English I learned in school!‖ (1993, p.vii). This can
be traced to what he calls ―confusing yet popular ‗inside‘ language used by the inhabitants:
slang‖ (1993, p.vii). Slang is a special type of vocabulary, existing in every language and
reflecting the country‘s social and cultural aspects. Different countries even speaking the
same language possess a different slang vocabulary. Slang is often an easy, informal way
to communicate. However, it is often perplexing for international students, because the
meanings of slang terms are not necessarily in the dictionary and cannot be taken literally.
In the United States, the prevalence of slang now is much beyond the expectation of
linguists. Slang frequently appears in daily conversations, movies, literature, newspapers
and magazines. Understanding and ability to use slang in communication, hence, is of great
necessity for ESL users. About the importance of American slang, Parshall (1994, p.23)
puts, ―slang supplies more than 10 percent of the words the average American knows‖, of
which slang expressions of surprise and disbelief account for quite a large number, as the
Americans have a high frequency of showing surprise and disbelief through verbal
communication in their daily life.
Now there is a realization that slang - youth language - may be more important than
previously thought. This area, therefore, is not quite mistreated as it was. However, in
Vietnam, where much more attention is habitually paid to Standard English, slang is still
ignored by both linguists, ESL teachers and even ESL learners. The main reason for the
neglect, perhaps, arises from people‘s perception that slang, which is a sublanguage of a
subculture, is not widely acceptable. Another reason why both ESL teachers and learners
take no notice of slang because they do not for sure how frequent slang is used and how to
employ it properly in daily communication.

Some writers (Nguyen Van Khang being an influential example) have touched this
field, but mostly limited to introducing definitions of slang and contemporary slang terms
in dictionaries. The problem lies in these dictionaries themselves, wherein the

12
lexicographers usually bring in a slang term along with its meaning and an example of use
only. This really challenges ESL speakers because they do not know in what context and
with whom the slang item should be used to avoid failure in communication. Also, they do
not know various nuances denoted in a slangism, especially those expressing emotion and
feeling, to use it at best.
Another question lies in previous studies which point out that slang is youth language,
and that it is frequently employed and accepted by the youth. But whether there exist
dissimilarities in the use of slang and attitudes toward slang among the young people
remains unanswered.
For all the justifications above, the author aspires to conduct the study entitled
“Slangisms expressing surprise and disbelief with young Americans: The use and
attitudes”. It is hoped that the study will be a contribution to the understanding of the
nature of slang, American youth‘s use of and attitudes toward slang, as well as providing
useful recommendations of how to use this special kind of vocabulary to ESL teachers,
students and translators.

1.2. Significance of the study
Slang is generally labeled as a linguistic taboo that should not be appearing in most
formal social occasions. However, to my mind, slang is worthy of the attention of
researchers in its own right; further, as an exciting and controversial form of language
which belongs to young people and to youth culture in colloquial contexts, it is a valuable
topic for discussions of sociolinguistic and pragmatic issues.
Commenting on the approaches toward the study of slang, Nekvapil puts that, ―The
lexicographic approach dominates, often complemented by grammatical or word-formation
analyses‖ (1987, p.195). While etymological and semantic studies of slang have been

recently common, other approaches to research on slang are rarely seen. Therefore, this
paper, which is a sociolinguistic investigation of American people‘s attitudes toward slang
and their use of slang, holds great academic merits. Equally important, whereas slang is
conventionally classified in the light of lexicology and semantics, this pragmatic
classification of slang, therefore, is obviously a milestone.
Further, by identifying current and common slang terms and how to use them in certain
contexts, the studies directly benefit Vietnamese-American cross-cultural communication,

13
Communicative English teaching, and translation. Such information can be of particular
help to ESL teachers, who are often puzzled about what register of English to stress in
instruction. The study can also be useful to ESL students, who must understand not only
the meaning of a slang term in everyday conversation but also the appropriate social
context for using it in order not to offend people. Finally, Vietnamese translators can take
the most of recommendations from the research when facing with a number of slang
expressions in movies, papers, magazines, etc., because the subtleties of using slang in a
foreign language are always filled with difficulties.

7. Aims of the study
The aims of the study are as follows:
a. To explore the use of slang of surprise and disbelief by American youth, specifically
- to find out frequency of use, reasons and contexts for slang use,
- to identify current and commonly-used American slangisms of surprise and disbelief;
- to classify those slang expressions in the light of pragmatics.
b. To investigate attitudes toward slang use of American young people and the correlation
between these attitudes and social aspects such as age, gender, and education.

8. Scope of the study
First, the study deals with verbal aspects of the communication act of expressing
surprise and disbelief through slang. The role of non-verbal factors in communication such

as paralanguage, proxemics, chronemics and icons is beyond the scope of this study.
Second, the study especially focuses on American slangisms expressing surprise and
disbelief. Slang of other variations, such as British slang, Australian slang or slang
denoting other themes, then, is mentioned but not elaborated. Also, other meanings rather
than surprise and disbelief implied in a slang item are not considered in the current study.
Third, the data obtained is confined to the informants‘ responses to the questionnaire
and follow-up interviews which are not spontaneous discourse. They are, of course,
somewhat different from real-life communication. So, the study, rather than reaches fixed
conclusions, would give remarks, comments and assumption on the way American young
people use slang of surprise and disbelief.
Fourth, the investigation concentrates on the use of slang by the youth, which is defined
as ―young people in general‖ by Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English (Quirk,

14
2003, p.1920). For the feasibility of the investigation, the researcher focuses on the age
group of 15-30.
Finally yet importantly, the study is limited to the two aspects of language and
communication: context and level of emotion, to categorize these slang terms. These
aspects are believed to be most important for ESL speakers to be aware of, while
communicating with American natives.

9. Methodology
4.1. Research questions
In order to meet the aims of the study, the following research questions are generated:
 How frequent, for what reasons and in what contexts is slang employed by American
youth?
 What are current and common American slangisms of surprise and disbelief?
 How are these slangisms categorized in the light of pragmatics?
 What are the attitudes of American young people toward slang and what is the
relationship between these attitudes and aspects like age, gender and education?

4.2. Methods
As for the methodology of this slanguage study, it covers both qualitative and
quantitative approaches. Data collection methods include studying materials, written
questionnaire survey, follow-up interviews, personal observation, consulting the
supervisor, and discussing with American and Vietnamese colleagues. Written
questionnaire survey with the participation of American people, aged from 15 to 30, is the
mainstream strategy. Data analysis engages statistics, description and synthesis methods. A
balanced and strategic employment of these research methods is expected to generate
findings with high reliability and validity.

10. D
esign of the study
The research paper consists of the following parts:
Part A - Introduction introduces the problem leading to the research, as well as the
purpose, scope and organization of the study.
Part B - Development
Chapter I: Theoretical Framework and Literature Review

15
Theoretical background relative to the topic and surveys of articles, books and other
resources that are relevant to the study topic are put. This part also provides
description, summary, and critical evaluation of each work quoted.
Chapter II: Methodology
This part presents the detailed procedure of the study: the methodology, population
selection, data collection and analysis.
Chapter III: Data Analysis and Results
The part deals with the findings drawn out from the analysis of data. The findings and
discussion are based on describing the use of slang by American native speakers and
their attitudes toward slang.
Part C: Conclusions and Recommendations

Main points and contents of the study are summarized based on the results of the study.
The implications of the study and the recommendations for ESL learners, teachers and
translators are then presented.



















16
PART B - DEVELOPMENT
CHAPTER 1: THEOREICAL FRAMEWORK AND LITERATURE REVIEW

1.1. Slang

1.1.1. What is slang?
Slang is not an entirely new phenomenon. It emerged when diverse peoples met in

market places in medieval cities. Nguyen Van Khang, a Vietnamese prominent researcher
of slang, states, ―the concept of slang was officially introduced in the 18
th
century
1
‖ (2001,
p.17). However, it was not until the 19
th
century that it became a part of the modern city, as
well as part of modern society in general (Asher, 1994, p.396).
Many people think that they recognise slang when they hear it or see it, but exactly how
slang is defined and which terms should or should not be listed under that heading continue
to be the subject of debate. Various definitions of slang have been proposed by scholars for
over five recent decades. The slang of the early time is characterised by Halliday in terms
of ‗antilanguages‘, the secretive codes of transgressive or deviant subcultures - criminals,
beggars, travelling entertainers - with their salient features of relexicalisation and
overlexicalisation (Halliday, 1978, p.164). In Dumas and Lighter (1978, p14:16), the
definition of slang receives a particularly systematic treatment. Slang here is defined as any
expression that satisfies at least two of the following criteria (paraphrased), of which the
first criterion is identified as being central to slang.
1. It lowers the dignity of formal or serious speech or writing.
2. Its use implies the user‘s familiarity either with the referent or with the less statusful or less
responsible class of people who have such special familiarity and use the term.
3. It is a tabooed term in ordinary discourse with persons of higher social status or greater
responsibility.
4. It is used in place of the well-known conventional synonym, especially in order to (a) protect
the user from the discomfort caused by the conventional item or (b) protect the user from the
discomfort or annoyance of further elaboration.
Later sociolinguists have focused on the role of adolescent slang in the construction of
social identity among, for example, street gangs or high school students (Labov, 1982;

Eckert, 1989). Recent linguistic work has refined our understanding of the concept of


1
Translated from the Vietnamese version by the writer of the thesis.

17
slang. Finegan (1994, p.373), for instance, defines slang as a variety of speech ―used in
situations of extreme informality, often with rebellious undertones or an intention of
distancing its users from certain mainstream values.‖
Most recently, in the Cambridge History of the English Language, Lighter writes:
―Slang denotes an informal, nonstandard, nontechnical vocabulary composed chiefly of novel-
sounding synonyms (and near synonyms) for standard words and phrases; it is often associated
with youthful, raffish, or undignified persons and groups; and it conveys often striking
connotations of impertinence or irreverence, especially for established attitudes and values
within the prevailing culture.‖ (2001, p. 220)
These definitions all have one characteristic in common: slang is defined in terms of a long
list of features; of which the work of Lighter has significantly clarified our understanding
of slang in context and relating to historical trends. Though, whatever one‘s perspective on
slang, it is a natural and inevitable part of the English language, and as such it can be
organized according to fundamental features and functions as other English lexemes can.

1.1.2. What slang is NOT?
The first misconception about what slang is that, ―The general public uses the word for
anything an English teacher might oppose – anything new or odd” (Lighter, 1994, p.432).
At the same time, Lighter argues, ―slang differs broadly from dialect [a regional or social
variety of speech] and jargon [a vocabulary of technical terms]‖ (1994, p.xiii). What‘s
more, slang is not catch phrases/ cliché. Here are some sample clichés and catch phrases
from students' essays: key to the future, o a bird in the hand.
According to Johnson and Fox (n.d, sec.2) slang is certainly not either slogans (Make

love, not war) or graffiti (Lethargy rulezzzzzzzzzzz). Many linguists once confused slang
with argot or cant, which is ―special vocabulary used by a secretive social group‖
(Crystal, 1995, p.448). Argot and cant are used to conceal the meaning from those outside
the group, for example, we have thieves‟ argot or thieves‟ cant. This is the original
meaning of slang (in the 18
th
and early 19
th
century), but now slang conveys different
senses. Further, slang is not colloquialism which is ―simply informal English‖ (Lighter,
1994, p.294). Obviously, slangisms are often used in colloquial speech but not all
colloquialisms are slangisms. Slang is, certainly, not solecism, ―breach of grammar; a
breach of etiquette‖ (Allee, 1978, p.355).

18
Overall, these are very common misunderstandings of slang. Avoiding these
misconceptions is of vitality for researchers and ESL users of slang.

1.1.3. Slang as an integral part of youth culture
Dalzell (2005, para.3) strongly believes that, ―Whatever its source, youth slang is a core
element of youth culture.‖ Other elements can be easily regulated by adult authorities, but
also according to Dalzell, ―Even the most vigilant and repressive attempts by adult
authority cannot completely eradicate slang and music with its slang lyrics.‖ (2005,
para.3). Supporting this viewpoint, Thorne, the compiler of the bestselling Dictionary of
Contemporary Slang, says that apart from being a controversial and spectacular social
phenomenon, slang is a variety which belongs to young people themselves (2004, para.2).
Discussing about stimulus for the creation and distribution of slang, Dalzell (2005,
para.4) holds that the four factors that are the most likely to produce slang are youth,
oppression, sports and vice, of which youth is the most powerful. The reason for his
argument is that we are not all members of a group that is oppressed by a dominant culture,

we are not all sports fanatics, and we do not all fall into vice with its attendant argot, but
surely we are all young once. When we are young, we always tend to invent slang words
that we recognize as our own.
All in all, slang is a central part of youth culture which is very difficult to be controlled
by adult power.

1.1.4. Slang as a language variety
1.1.4.1. Slang as a register
Bailey (1985, p.2) is convinced that: ―Slang is best described as a register or a variety
according to use‖. This point of view is relevant to this pragmatic research on the use of
American slang expressing surprise and disbelief, therefore, is used as a basis for the
research. In order to explain what people do with their language, as Halliday argues,
register is substantial because the register one chooses to employ depends mainly on the
context of situation (Halliday et al., 1964, p.87). The following definition of register aims
at enlightening the contexts wherein the Americans are most likely to use slang.
Register is characterized by the dimensions of field, mode and tenor of discourse by
Halliday (1978). Field of discourse is the ongoing activity and the particular purposes that
the use of language is serving within the context of that activity (Halliday, 1978, p.62).

19
This means field covers the content or topic of discussion and the social setting. Prominent
researchers on slang like Eble (1996), Andersson and Trudgill (1990) agree that it is used
in informal situations. By which they mean that using slang in formal contexts is
absolutely inappropriate. The topics the speakers engage in are also determined by the
contexts they find themselves in. Some common topics of slang users as found in
dictionaries of American slang include sex and body parts, drugs, drinks, cars, fashion,
and dating. Mode of discourse refers to whether the medium of communication is spoken
or written and it determines the role played by the language in a situation (Crystal, 1997,
p.244). The American slang under investigation can be either spoken or written, depending
on the settings they find themselves. Tenor of discourse is defined by Halliday (1978,

p.33) as, ― relationship between participants not merely variation in formality but such
questions as the permanence or otherwise of the relationship and the degree of emotional
charge in it.‖ This means tenor also includes the age, social status, and background of the
participants, as well as the level of formality between them.
The investigation of slang as a stylistic variety concentrates on the relationship between
interlocutors, the level of formality of the situation and the degree of emotion expressed by
them. The speakers‘ relationship greatly accounts. Whether they are friend-friend, parent-
child, teacher-student affects their choice of language, as argued by Thomas et al. ―
speakers take into account whom they are talking to and alter their speech accordingly‖
(2004, p.169). Slang, representative of informal situations, is spoken predominantly in
casual settings between friends or with people who are familiar with one another.
1.1.4.2. Slang and social aspects of language variation
―Certain social factors – who you are taking to, the social context of the talk, the
function and topic of the discussion – turn out to be important in accounting for language
choice in many different kinds of speech community‖ (Holmes, 2001, p.21). For that
reason, exploring the use and users of slang, which form a focal part of the current
research, requires an understanding of this variety in use in combination with the social
context, which has been discussed in the previous part, as well as the social characteristics
of its speakers.
This study focuses on speakers‘ age, gender and level of education to analyze the
relationship between frequency of use and attitudes toward slang, and these social aspects.
Age is an important factor in language variation and in language change. Holmes (2001,

20
p.183) points out that there are age-graded patterns of speech that are appropriate for 10-
year olds or teenagers which disappear when they grow older. For example, children use
some vocabulary items that adults never do, and vice versa. Slang, the most nonlinguistic
type of language, is believed to be used by the youth. However, among the youngsters,
whether there exists any difference in slang use between them is still an open question. For
instance, is there a difference between the use of slang by high school students (aged 15-

17) and the use of slang by college students (aged 18-25)? The current research will deal
with that question. In relation to slang and gender, Bailey (1985, p.5) maintains that ―
slang is used more by males than by females.‖ However, in her study, De Klerk (in
Mesthrie, 1995, p.268) argues that the gender difference in use and tolerance of slang is
leveling out in contemporary society and that the stereotype of males being the primary
slang users is open to question. Education is also one of the factors influencing the choice
of sounds, grammatical elements, and vocabulary (Sociolinguistics, Encyclopedia
Britannica, para.1). Therefore, it is, of course, a factor affecting the use of slang. However,
no previous research deals with this rapport.

1.1.5. Social functions of slang
Slang, as other language varieties, is supposed to complete various functions for its
users. Some scholars hold that slang users employ this variety for social identification
purposes, when they wish to show others where they are from.
Eric Partridge, an influential American lexicographer, provides a long list of fifteen
possible reasons for using slang, among them being the following: for fun, humor,
playfulness; to be creative; to shock others; to reduce excessive seriousness of a
conversation; to be secretive; for group identity and solidarity (1935, Ch.2). Wentworth &
Flexner remark that the need to use slang terms reflects a need to reject the mainstream, to
rebel against the squares, in order to be accepted as an insider. They write,
―We would rather share or accept vices than be excluded from a social group. For this reason,
for self-defense, and to create an aura (but not the fact) of modernity and individuality, much of
our slang purposely expresses amorality, cynicism, and ‗toughness‘.‖ (p. xi:xii)
Bailey (1985, p.3) maintains that slang may be used for humorous effect; to regulate
social interaction whereby a group uses particular words for particular purposes such as in
greeting and farewells. Over a decade later, Eble (1996, p.4) reiterates some of the

21
purposes first mentioned by Partridge and adds to these by referring to the function of
slang as a means of opposing established authority. In fact, much slang, according to

Thorne (2009, para.2), functions as an alternative vocabulary, ―replacing standard terms
with more forceful, emotive or interesting versions just for the fun of it.‖
Nine most-agreed reasons have been selected from these various functions and used in
the questionnaire (see Appendix C, PART B) as a benchmark to find out whether people in
this study use slang for similar reasons.

1.1.6. Lexicological and semantic classifications of slang
Slang is traditionally categorised in the perspectives of lexicology, semantics, and
lexicography. Lexicological classification of slang words and phrases is perfectly done by
Eble (1996, p.48) based on word formation or word building. Accordingly, the slangisms
of surprise and disbelief in the current study are born in the following ways.
* Coinage: Its ‗inventors‘ use new word according to a particular context; for example,
‗diggity‘ (in Hot diggity dog!) was coined by the blackstreet group. The phrase expresses
extra excitement and anticipation.
* Compounding: Generally, the youth employ this type of word-formation process to
exhibit their creativity. The following are a few of the examples they provided as part if
this investigation:
Examples: hot + damn = hot dog!: an interjection of surprise
holy + cow = holy cow!: an exclamation of surprise
* Blending: Within the process of blending, parts of the combined words are removed or
altered.
Example: By Jesus → bejeezus!: a noun for emphasis of scary surprise.
* Clipping: It is pointed out that, generally, in slang some words are shortened by eliding
the final syllable, while other words are lengthened. In some cases, the words have not
only been clipped but added to one or two letter to make them naturally pronounced. The
following example is found to have undergone the process of clipping.
Example: Jesus → Jeez/ Geez!: a mild oath or introductory expletive to express
surprise.

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* Acronyms: Eble (1996, p.35) refers to this process as shortening, whereby ―sounds are
eliminated from words without an immediate change in meaning‖. This process occurs
quite a lot in the group of slangisms of surprise and disbelief.
Examples: - GTFO! (Get The Fuck Out): an expression of excitement for
something really extraordinary, including doubt of its existence.
- OMG! (Oh My God): an expression of surprise and disbelief
- WTF! (What The Fuck): an exclamation of unpleasant surprise.
* Shifting: This is a process whereby Standard English words have shifted denotations (De
Klerk in Mesthrie, 1995, p.274). This is also known as conversion or functional shift. The
reason for that is youth always try to break the monotony of life by creating for themselves
a fun and humorous way to deal with everyday, often, serious situations.
Examples: - Yahoo (uncultured, ignorant, or stupid person) → an exclamation of
surprise and disbelief.
- Hot dog (a sausage heated and served in a long split roll) → an
expression of approval or gratification.
* Lexical borrowing, the adoption of individual words or even large sets of vocabulary
items from another language or dialect, applies to some of slang items.
Examples: Sheesh!: Anglicized version of the German word "Scheisse" (shit).
Eesh!: a Greek term from mythologists during the 10th century.

Semantic classification of slang has been mostly done by linguists and lexicographers.
Recently, Thorne (2005, p.3) categorizes slang into 13 groups:
1. Intoxication by drink or drugs (17.46%)
2. Terms of approbation (15.23%)
3. Romance, sex and related body parts (12.06%)
4. Insults and terms denoting misfits (11.42%)
5. Terms of disapproval/disappointment (8.25%)
6. Greetings, farewells and exclamations (5.07%)
7. Social or ethnic categorisations (4.76%)
8. Relaxation (4.44%)

9. Money (3.80%)
10. Negative or unsettling states (3.49%)
11. Anger or excited states (3.17%)
12. Food (2.53%)
13. Clothes (2.22%)

Accordingly, the slangisms of surprise and disbelief may be put into Group 2, 5, 6, and 11.
However, this classification is not rational at all. Thus, these slang items need classifying
in the light of pragmatics, more specifically, based on social contexts and degree of
emotion of speakers. This is the main objectives of this current research.

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1.2. Expressing surprise and disbelief via slang – a speech act
This section looks at the notion of speech act and Speech Act Theory, which aims at
providing important theoretical background for the study.
1.2.1. Speech act and speech act classification
Speech acts can be defined as ―actions performed via utterances‖ (Yule, 1996, p.47). A
particular speech act is performed within a speech event in a certain situation. In other
words, speech acts are the minimal units of the speech situation-speech event-speech act
set.
Kinds of speech acts are distinguished in different ways. The following classification is
very common in pragmatics. Rooted in Austin‘s work (1962), Searle (1969) and Cohen
(1996) group all speech acts into five basic types based on the speaker‘s communicative
intentions. They are Representatives (telling how things are); Directives (getting people to
do something); Commissives (committing the speaker to do something); Expressives
(expressing feelings and attitudes), and Declaratives (acts causing changes in the world
through the execution).
In making an utterance, Levinson (1983, p.236) sees that three kinds of acts are
simultaneously performed. These kinds of acts can be simply summarized as followed:
- Locutionary act: The words the speaker uses.

- Illocutionary act: What the speaker is doing by using those words (accusing,
requesting, promising, and so on).
- Perlocutionary act: The effect of those words on the hearer.
This classification of speech acts is employed as a yardstick to analyze slang terms in the
coming chapters.
1.2.2. Speech Act Theory
Speech Act Theory attempts to offer explanations on how the speaker uses language to
accomplish intended actions and how the hearer infers the intended meaning on the basis
of what is said. The theory is based on the assumption that it is the performance of certain
acts rather than linguistic expressions that is the minimal unit of human interaction (Austin,
1962; Grice, 1975; Searle, 1969, 1975, 1979). The theory, as Yule argues, has provided a
basic unit of analysis that helps to illustrate the kinds of things we can do with words and
to identify conventional utterance forms associated with specific actions (1996, p.58).

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Since the introduction of speech act theory, much work has been focused on single
speech act. However, communication in reality, as maintained by Searle, involves a series
of sequences of speech acts (1979, p.27), and it is necessary to look at more extended
interactions to understand how our actions are carried out and interpreted within speech
events. Therefore, a theory of conversation, which is about how speech acts combine in
connected discourse, is required to complement Speech Act Theory.
1.2.3. “Expressing surprise and disbelief via slang” as a speech act
By and large, from the view of Austin, ‗expressing surprise and disbelief‘ belongs to
Expressives. In everyday conversation, there always exists a stimulus and a response. Tsui
(1995, p.57) typifies a response as ―an utterance which fulfils the interactional expectation
set up by the preceding initiating act‖. Consequently, ‗expressing surprise and disbelief‘ is
considered part of a communicative act, more specifically, a responding act, because it is
produced in reply to an initiating act (or a stimulus), which may be giving a piece of
breaking news. An expression of surprise and disbelief can serve several functions of
communication such as complimenting, sympathizing, etc. The response in the situation

below is a sympathy. When something bad happens to someone else, but not too bad,
American people might say "yikes" to express their empathy. S1 got a bad sunburn and
showed it to S2 (stimulus), S2: ―Yikes! It looks like that really hurts!” In other words, the
slangism of surprise and disbelief is expressive. The speaker certainly expresses his/her
feelings or attitudes toward the stimulus.
Based on the classification by Levinson, it is a speech act with three levels. Further, it
is observable that the act of expressing surprise and disbelief, like any other speech acts,
possesses both illocutionary force and propositional content. The correct understanding of
the intended illocutionary force is inevitably dependent upon the context. Below is an
example of how this three-level analysis works for B‘s utterance to A:
- A: I‘m gay. - B: What the hell??
 Locutionary act: B said ‗What the hell?‘ which can be semantically paraphrased as:
„I‟m not believing and totally shocked at the weird thing you‟ve said.‟
 Illocutionary act: By that statement, B performed the act of expressing extreme surprise
and disbelief at A‘s news.
 Perlocutionary act: B‘s utterance may have any of the following perlocutions: A gives
explanations, A persuades B that being gay is not weird, etc.

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In addition, indirect speech act markedly appears in expressing surprise and disbelief.
The responses under investigation are generally uttered to show other communicative
intentions, not merely surprise. Let‘s study the following example: Stimulus: Something
unexpected or unpleasant happened; response: ―What the deuce?” This slang phrase is
not only an expression of surprise but also of dismay and irritation.
On the whole, in term of pragmatics, expressing surprise and disbelief through slang is
one kind of speech act used frequently in interaction.

1.3. American slang and its role in today’s American society
1.3.1. American slang and its characteristics
It‘s the evolution of American English that leads to differences between American

slang and slang of other English varieties. When the pioneers living in the New World had
children, they taught their children to pronounce words the way they were written, in order
to keep things simple. This was the first break from British English (American Slang for
ESL Students, n.d., para. 2). As America grew, so did a new casual variety of English –
American English, which was greatly influenced by cowboys, sports, the building of the
railroad, the card game of poker, African-American culture, immigrants, and so on.
American slang, as defined by Flexner, ― is the body of words and expressions
frequently used by or intelligible to a rather large portion of the general American public,
but not accepted as good, formal usage by the majority‖ (1975, p.vi). This definition seems
a little too broad, making nearly everything slang except a few highly formal terms.
American slang is characterized by the following features: ephemerality,
generativeness, and fertility. Dalzell (2005, para.2) puts that, ―both the ephemeral and
regenerative traits are nowhere more apparent than in the slang of American youth.‖ He
also stresses American slang is also known for its fertility; it reproduces itself in abundance
with each new generation. At any given moment, there are many, many slang words and
expressions in use across the country. Only the strong terms or phrases survive, the rest are
quickly discarded and forgotten, marking evidence to a generation or subculture.
1.3.2. Importance and prevalence of slang in today’s American society
About the power of slang, Dalzell (2005) says, ―slang is generally a bit wittier and
cleverer than Standard American English.‖ (para.1). Therefore, slang permeates American
speech to an astounding degree. This popularity is probably caused by the rush of

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journalists, politicians and transmitters of popular culture to hold the latest words to color a
newspaper headline, stump speech, advertisement or television script. Plenty of recent
research shows a stronger realization that slang is part of American today‘s culture and
should be used rather than ignored. Many other studies also reveal that there has been in
increase in frequency of slang use in various fields and that there has been more tolerance
and social acceptability of slang in the United States.
In 2000, the US Media Research Center compared 1989 and 1999: ―The overall use of

profane language has skyrocketed over 500 percent since 1989‖ (In Wachal, 2002, p.196).
An article in Brandweek Magazine urges advertising executives to stay on top of the latest
slang because it ―can be such a key to communicating with the kids‖ (Ebencamp, 1998,
p.24). Surely advertisers know that slang opens doors to communicating and interacting
with young people. A survey on attitudes toward the use of business slang by Gilsdorf
releases that an unexpectedly large number of respondents expressed tolerant attitudes
toward the terms frequently labeled as non-words by academics (1993, p.29). Though they
vary widely in kind and quality, business slang is now widely used in the States, as they
can sometimes be precise and expressive, and can sometimes add conciseness and comfort
to everyday, informal business communications.
To sum up, the popularity and power of American slang have come as no surprise.
Hence, it is necessary to acknowledge that slang is certainly a reality for members of the
American population and there is higher acceptability of slang use in this society today.
1.3.3. History of American Youth Slang (AYS)
When we think of slang, then, we either think of the slang of the youth. For this reason,
Dalzell states that ― youth slang exerts enormous power over American English.‖
(2005, para.1)
The history of AYS has been presented and critically analyzed by this author in his
famous book ‗Flappers 2 Rappers: American Youth Slang‟ (Dalzell, 1996). Accordingly,
AYS can be grouped into eight main periods with brief description of slang and relevant
historical milestones as follows.
P1. Before the Flapper (pre-1920 slang)
Before World War I, a viable youth subculture did not exist anywhere other than on the
campuses of colleges and possibly within pockets of youthful vagrants, criminal and
workers. Therefore, slang of this period was the slang of college students. Most of the

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vocabulary deals with academic subjects such as campus landmarks, college rivalries and
academic subjects. For example, bull means to discuss at length, blood means excellent,
skin means to plagiarize.

P2. The 1920s: The Flappers
The term flapper in the 1920s referred to a "new breed" of young women who wore
short skirts, listened to the new jazz music, drunk, smoked and showed off heir disregard
for what considered socially acceptable.
The 1920s was a decade that was extraordinarily prolific for the American language,
part of which is slang. Different from slang of the previous period, the Flappers‘ slang so
much reflected drinking habits, intoxication, currency, and sex, such as speakeasy for a
place to purchase illegal alcohol, boffo for a dollar, lip stick for a cigarette, barney-
mugging for sex.
P3. The 1930s
The early 1930s were chaotic years in America. The Great Depression had devastating
effects on the country. Much slang from the era comes out as a response to the Depression:
from Okies a migratory agricultural worker who migrated west because of drought and
farm foreclosure, to many terms related to President Hoover, who was blamed for the
Depression (Hoover blankets: newspapers used to keep warm while sleeping outdoors,
Hoover flags: empty pockets turned inside out).
P4. The 1940s
Youth slang of this period was influenced to an inestimable degree by jive, black street
vernacular that began to migrate into broad popular youth culture with the swing music and
jitterbug craze of the late 1930s. Most importantly, although much of the jive/youth slang
of the 1940s would fade by the end of the decade, it would lay an important foundation for
the slang of the coming decades.
P5. The 1950s
Besides the mainstream popular culture, a social and literary movement in this period
called Beat Movement, which was as a reaction by the younger generation to the new
materialistic way of life, had certain effects on the society. Central elements of Beat culture
include rejection of mainstream values, experimentation with drugs and alternate forms of
sexuality, and an interest in Eastern spirituality. The Fifties slang wasn't as colorful as the
social changes, while the Sixties, with its drug and protest culture, was slang heaven.

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P6. The 1960s
The 1960s are often remembered as the decade of the hippies, who were individuals
best known for rejecting many of society's morals and attitudes, and engaging in risky drug
behavior. The slang of this period which drew heavily from Beat and jazz slang strongly
reflected many aspects of hippie culture. A large part of hippie slang dealt with drugs, sex,
smoking and many of them are outlaw words (fuck, shit).
P7. The 1970s and 1980s
In the late 1970s, the United States paused to gather its collective breath after a decade
of presidential scandal, war and social/racial upheaval. During this pause, the coining and
use of slang slowed - but not for long. In the 1980s, hip-sounding video-jockeys on MTV
joined the ranks of slang instructors; their language was also heavily influenced by the
African-American street. For the last two years, the black slang of hip-hop culture and rap
music has dominated American youth slang among all classes. Another source for youth
slang is, surprisingly, the slang graveyard of generations past.
P8. The 1990s
As the 1990s edge towards to 21
st
century, youth culture in America remains without a
unifying youth movement. For sure, hip-hop culture and rap music continue to have a
tremendous cultural influence. At the same time, a range of ethnocentric choices of music
exist for young white kids, including grunge, heavy metal, alternative music, and country
and western. There are two basic trends within young slang of the 1990s. Rap continues to
exert a tremendous influence on the language of young people in America. Second, there is
the clever and ironic use of Standard English with a tendency toward bad-is-good meaning.
1.4. Summary
This chapter has discussed first, concepts and misconcepts of slang, then the roles of
slang as an indispensable element of youth culture and as a language variety, and finally
the social functions of slang or reasons why people use slang. Focused analysis is on
‗Expressing surprise and disbelief via slang as a speech act‘, based on speech act

classification. The last part of the chapter has dealt with matters in American slang and its
importance in America today.
This chapter serves as a driving principle for the study that is going to be presented in
Chapter 3. The next chapter will be a discussion of methodology used in the research.