NHỮNG QUAN điểm KHÁC NHAU về PHƯƠNG PHÁP NUÔI dạy CON cái của NGƯỜI mỹ gốc HOA và NGƯỜI mỹ DA TRẮNG ở nước mỹ THẾ kỷ 21

i
ABSTRACT
This study examined the differences between Chinese American
and White American parents on childrearing viewpoints in the 21
st
century.
Factors affecting their viewpoints on parenting styles, such as culture and
parents’ beliefs and expectations were specifically considered. For White
American parents, the parenting style mostly adopted is related to
psychological well-being for adolescents called authoritative parenting.
White-American parents were found to be less controlling, show more
encouragement of independence, and emphasize less achievement than
Chinese American parents. For Chinese American parents, meanwhile, the
parenting style mostly favored is related to the theme called authoritarian
parenting. Chinese American parents were found to use strict rules, high
expectations. They are highly demanding in their directions but are not
typically responsive: they are more interested in strict obedience and provide
a well-ordered and structured environment. The research also revealed that
culture has a big effect on how parents raise children because norms and
standards differ from culture to culture. Moreover, this paper also
demonstrated that it is difficult to evaluate whether parenting methods of
Chinese American or white American parents are better. Both authoritarian
child-rearing of Chinese American parents and authoritative child-rearing of
White American parents have their own advantages and disadvantages.
Therefore, each person, with the role of parents should consider the benefits
and drawbacks of both parenting methods to choose the most suitable one to
parent their children.
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACCEPTANCE i
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ii

ABSTRACT iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS iv
 !"#$!%
!&'%%()*+*)
,, -.#/!/0/1&'2/"1+)+3*
4-516778 0/&779!7)/!/
10)
!':+33;5/#"1/61":/!/!%4</
!/5/!#"1/(*)*()
iii
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Reasons for choosing the topic/ Rationale
Child-rearing methods among parents have long interested child
development professionals. Beginning with Baldwin’s classic study of child-
rearing in 1948, child development researchers learned that parents could be
classified according to various parenting styles (Chao, 2011). By associating
these parenting styles with child outcomes, researchers have begun to
understand which child-rearing attitudes and behaviors are predictive of more
or less successful child development. This information has been vital in
assisting child development professionals to teach parents more optimal
methods for raising their children. Thus, research aimed at child-rearing
attitudes has historically been important and continues to provide useful
information for optimizing children’s development in the society.
As American society becomes more diverse, with individuals from
various social, ethnic, and immigrant/generational background, research on
child-rearing attitudes becomes more critical. Child-rearing methods of
Chinese Americans and White Americans tend to differ based on varying
traditions and values. There was an article published under the headline “Why
Chinese Mothers Are Superior” in the Wall Street Journal on January 8, 2011,

contained excerpts from Amy Chua’s book (Amy Chua-Jr. Professor of Law
at Yale Law School). In the book, she describes her efforts to give her
children what she describes as a traditional, strict “Chinese” upbringing. This
piece was controversial and attracted much attention from not just the people
residing in America, but also a lot of people in other countries interested in
this issue. Amy Chua’s work is also considered to touch the “nerve” of White
Americans (Seal, 2011).
There has been a mountain of speeches, works, articles, documents and
various types of materials discussing child-rearing methods of different
1
cultures in the United States, especially since Amy Chua’s book with the title
“Battle Hymn of the Tiger Mother” was published in 2011. However, to date,
very little literature systematically compares and contrasts different
viewpoints on childrearing methods of white American parents and those of
Chinese immigrant parents in the United States in the 21st century. In
addition, the researchers have not focused on explaining the reasons why
these differences existed based on their different beliefs and values.
Therefore, this research will specifically focus on comparing and contrasting
different viewpoints on child-rearing between Chinese American and White
American parents, and discussing beliefs and values affecting these
viewpoints in order to bridge cultural gaps between the cultures of White
Americans with that of immigrant Chinese. With the rise in Chinese
immigration to the United States, it is important to consider this culture and
add to the body of knowledge in the area of child-rearing practices in the 21st
century.
Considering the above mentioned, the researcher made a decision to
carry out a research named “Different viewpoints on child-rearing methods of
Chinese American and White American parents in the United States in the
21st century.”
1.2 Research Question(s) or Objectives

The research is aimed at answering the following questions:
1. What are the different viewpoints on child-rearing of Chinese
American and White American parents in the 21st century?
2. What factors affect viewpoints on child-rearing of Chinese
Americans and White Americans?
3. Which is better: Child-rearing methods of Chinese American
parents or those of White American parents?
1.3 Research Methodology
This research is carried out with secondary research method. The
2
research will collect relevant data from various reliable sources, both primary
and secondary researches which are available on the Internet or in the
libraries, including research reports, articles from reliable websites,
magazines, books, journals. In the next step, the information collected will be
analyzed, synthesized, compared and contrasted, and evaluated. Then, the
conclusion for each research question will be drawn from the analysis of the
researcher.
Overall, this paper is carried out through following phases:
Phase 1: Collecting data.
Phase 2: Processing data: the data are analyzed, synthesized, compared,
contrasted, and evaluated.
Phase 3: Summarizing and concluding.
1.4 Scope of the study
This study focuses on examining the differences between Chinese
American and White American parents on childrearing viewpoints in the 21
st
century and factors affecting their viewpoints on parenting styles, such as
culture and parents’ beliefs and expectations are also considered. There may
be other factors influencing on their parenting viewpoints such as
socioeconomic status or parental education. However, in the scope of the

graduation paper, they cannot be covered.
1.5 Significance of the research
Once the study is completed, it is expected to be significant in a
number of ways:
In the first place, it will serve as a reference source for other scholars
and researchers who are interested in the same or related topics.
Secondly, this paper can serve as a supplementary material for those
teachers and parents who are interested in teaching children when they need
different viewpoints on the issue.
Moreover, the study is also expected to set some basis for more
3
insightful and profound research for the students at HULIS on this issue in
different countries in the world in general and in the USA in particular.
1.6 Organization of the research
The first parts of the research are Acceptance, Acknowledgement,
Abstract, and Table of contents. The acknowledgement part shows the
researcher’s gratitude towards some people helping the researcher during
finishing the study. The abstract presents very concise contents and results of
the work done in the research. The table of contents lists the sections chapters,
and corresponding page numbers.
The main part of the research consists of six chapters:
Chapter 1: Introduction (background of the study, research questions,
research methodology, significance of the study).
Chapter 2: An overview of Chinese Americans and White Americans
in the USA and child-rearing methods.
2.1An overview of Chinese Americans and White Americans in the
USA.
2.2An overview of child-rearing methods.
Chapter 3: Different viewpoints on child-rearing methods of Chinese
Americans and White Americans in the United States in the 21st century.

3.1 Viewpoints on child-rearing methods of White American parents
3.2 Viewpoints on child-rearing methods of Chinese American parents
Chapter 4: Factors affecting viewpoints on child-rearing methods of
Chinese American and White American parents.
4.1 Factors affecting viewpoints on child-rearing methods of White
American parents
4.2 Factors affecting viewpoints on child-rearing methods of Chinese
American parents.
Chapter 5: Which child-rearing methods are better: child-rearing
methods of Chinese American or White American parents?
4
Chapter 6: Conclusion
6.1 Major findings and contributions of the research
6.2 Limitations of the research
6.3 Suggestions for further studies
5
CHAPTER 2
REVIEW OF LITERATURE
2.1 An overview of Chinese Americans and White Americans in the
USA.
2.1.1 An overview of Chinese Americans in the USA.
The Chinese were the first Asian group to arrive in significant numbers with
the large scale immigration beginning in 1852 when 52,000 Chinese came that year
alone (Fong, 2002). The first stop over for the Chinese as for some subsequent
Asian groups was Hawaii and not California. Workers from China were imported to
work on the sugar plantations and were preferred over the native Hawaiian workers
by the plantation owners because the Chinese workers were seen as more hard-
working, disciplined and efficient. In fact, one of the white supervisors in 1838
wrote to the owner of the plantation that “A colony of the Chinese would, probably,
put the plantation in order” (Takaki 1989, p. 11). In addition to sugar plantation and

rail road workers, there were merchants from China who migrated as well.
In fact, when arriving in the U.S, these immigrants realized that there was
not only rumoured gold in California, but there were also opportunities for
employment. The stories of such opportunities and those of the success of many
migrants were carried to the villages by the returning migrants reinforcing the
motivation to emigrate. As early as 1870, the Chinese were 9 percent of California’s
population and 25 percent of the state’s work force (Takaki, 1989). Most of the
Chinese, came as “sojourners”, expecting to work for some time, earn money and
then go back home (Bonacich, 1973). This “sojourner” image has been attributed by
scholars as the reason for the unwillingness on part of Chinese to assimilate and as
contributing to discrimination and exclusion of the Chinese (Kitano and Daniels
2001).
The presence of Chinese laborers in California and Hawaii aroused great
anti-Chinese sentiment during the period between 1850 and 1900, which resulted in
the passing of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1892 for another ten year period and
reenacted without temporal limits in 1902 (Kitano and Daniels, 2001). However,
6
officials, merchants, teachers, students, travelers and students of Chinese American
citizens were still allowed to enter although subject to considerable harassment
(Lyman, 1974). The Chinese Exclusion Act was finally repealed in 1943 and
Chinese immigration rose to modest levels in the late 1940s and 1950s (Nee and
Nee, 1972).
Chinese immigration is often seen and, today, large populations of Chinese,
either immigrants themselves or related to immigrants, are focused mainly in
California and New York, though populations are growing elsewhere. Over the
years, they have moved to the United States for many different reasons. (Mark
Orwell, 2000)
One of the major reasons for Chinese immigration to the U.S. is economics.
Starting around 1849, when Chinese immigrants first began flocking to the U.S.,
money was the reason. It was the time of the California Gold Rush, and many

young Chinese peasants wanted in on the action. Eventually, they began to open
stores and restaurants and businesses in order to make more money. These
immigrants were faced with prejudices that forced many to go back home. Others
simply came to save money, knowing they would return to China to spend it on
their family. Today, economics is not as big of an issue, though many lower-class
Chinese workers find opportunities in the United States to make higher wages,
either to send back to their families in China or to start a life in the new country.
(Mark Orwell, 2000)
For many educated Chinese individuals, the United States serves as a
breeding ground for high-paying jobs. For this reason, many emigrate to the U.S. in
order to further their career, or simply to find a job that may be scarce in China. In
particular, individuals travel to the U.S. to find jobs in the technology and
engineering fields. Tying into the economic reasons for immigration, many of these
skilled workers find that wages in the U.S. are higher, which allows them to save
money and better provide for themselves and their families. (Mark Orwell, 2000).
2.1.2 An overview of White Americans in the USA
7
White Americans are people of the United States who are considered or
consider themselves White. The United States Census Bureau defines White people
as those "having origins in any of the original peoples of Europe, the Middle East,
or North Africa. It includes people who reported “White” or wrote in entries such as
Irish, Polish, German, Swedish, Italian, Dutch, Ukrainian, Portuguese, Czech,
Latvian, Greek, Near Easterner, or Arab. Like all official U.S. racial categories,
"White" has a "Not Hispanic or Latino" and a "Hispanic or Latino" component, the
latter consisting mostly of White Mexican Americans and white Cuban Americans.
The term "Caucasian" is often used interchangeably with "White", although the
terms are technically not synonymous. (Census Bureau)
German Americans (16.5%), Irish Americans (11.9%), English Americans
(9.0%), Italian Americans (5.8%), French Americans (4%), Polish Americans (3%),
Scottish Americans (1.9%), Dutch Americans (1.6%), Norwegian Americans

(1.5%), and Swedish Americans (1.4%) constitute the ten largest White American
ancestries (United States Census Bureau, 2010). Whites constitute the majority,
with a total of 223,553,265 or 72.4% of the population in the 2010 United States
Census.
2.2 Overview of childrearing practices and childrearing methods
There are many classic studies
which identified various categories of
childrearing. One classic study that helped set the stage for the study of
childrearing
practices was conducted by Baldwin (1948) who based his research
on observations at a
school nursery and home visits. He used behavioral rating
scales which included factors
such as affectionateness, nonconformity,
impatience, disobedience, curiosity,
competitiveness, quarrelsomeness, and
leadership. Through relationships of these
factors, he was able to identify two
major childrearing dimensions: control and
democracy. Control is defined as
having clear restrictions for a child where occurrences
of friction over
discipline are rare. Democracy refers to having open communication with
a
8
child where reasons are offered along with decisions and where mutual
agreements occur between parent and child. (Baldwin, 1948)
Democracy and control are not mutually exclusive; in fact, they are best
understood when they are considered as an interaction. When a parent is high
on control,

but low on democracy, there is little or no discussion between
parent and child regarding
decisions. Since restrictions are made very clear
there is seldom any confusion over the
expectations of a child. The questioning
of parental authority is not tolerated and high levels of conformity are required.
According to Baldwin, children of parents high on
control and low on
democracy are conforming, obedient, quiet, and well-behaved. They are
typically not quarrelsome, and determined.
In comparison, Baldwin's (1948) study suggests that parents who are
high on democracy and low on control have much verbal contact with their
children, which
includes explanations for parental actions and discussions to
satisfy the child's curiosity. This verbal contact decreases any confusion
regarding parental decisions.
Baldwin describes children of parents high in
democracy and low on control as active,
and curious. However, these children
may also lack discipline, and be crueler than an average child.
The combination of low control and low democracy is evident when
parents have few restrictions on their children and communication is
infrequent and casual. Parents do not play a leader's role in discussions and
there is generally little interaction between
parent and child in the home.
Children raised in uncontrolled, undemocratic homes are detached from their
parents, show little affection.
Of all the possible combinations of control and democracy, Baldwin
describes high democracy and high control as the optimal situation. These
parents tend not to break on the personal freedom of their children which

allows them a degree of
independence. They also encourage some conformity
9
and require their children to be socially responsible. This combination results
in a creative child who participates in his or her own socialization.
Following on Baldwin's work, Baumrind (1967, 1973, 1977) has done
extensive research on parenting dimensions and styles that have been very
influential in the study of childrearing. She considered two dimensions of
parental behavior: demandingness and responsiveness which are related to
Baldwin's control and democracy, respectively. Demandingness refers to the
amount of control a parent exerts over a child, as in Baldwin's dimension of
control, and encompasses the expectations that parents have for
their children
to excel cognitively, emotionally, and socially. A highly demanding
parent
will have clear, strict expectations of a child, whereas a less demanding parent
will have fewer expectations of a child. Responsiveness is defined as the levels
of acceptance and warmth a parent offers a child, similar to Baldwin's
democracy. A highly responsive
parent will offer a great deal of acceptance
and warmth, and parent-child issues are more
child-centered. In contrast, a
low responsive parent will be more rejecting of the child and show little
warmth, and parent child issues are considerably more parent-centered
(Baumrind, 1967).
The parenting dimensions of control/democracy and
demandingness/
responsiveness described by Baldwin and Baumrind are
central theoretical constructs in
current research on parenting strategies, and

in the influence of various parenting styles
on child and adolescent
development. By comparing different levels of demandingness and
responsiveness, Baumrind and others (e.g., Baldwin, 1948; Baumrind &
Black, 1967; Dornbusch, Ritter, Leiderman, Roberts, & Fraleigh, 1987) have
considered different parenting styles in their research.
Baumrind's (1979) childrearing methods were derived by interacting low
and high
levels of demandingness and responsiveness, as shown in Table 1.
High levels of
demandingness and low levels of responsiveness are associated
with authoritarian parenting, whereas high levels of demandingness and high
10
levels of responsiveness are
related to authoritative parenting. Permissive
parenting is denied by low levels of
demandingness and high levels of
responsiveness.
Table 1: Levels of Demandingness and Responsiveness in Baumrind's
Parenting Styles
Authoritarian Authoritative Permissive
Demandingness + + -
Responsivenes
s
- + +
Source: Baumrind's, 1979
In authoritarian parenting, there is a clear desire for children to be
obedient and
respectful of authority; little responsibility is given to the child
for making personal

decisions, and they are not often consulted on family
decisions; and there is a clear desire for children to be obedient and respectful
of authority. Early studies suggested that the
children of authoritarian parents
showed little independence, were unhappy and socially withdrawn, and were
only adequate in social responsibility (Baumrind, 1967; Baumrind
& Black,
1967).
Many studies have supported the child outcomes of authoritarian
parenting that
Baumrind found in her research. Studies have suggested that
children of parents high in
control and low in democracy, authoritarian parents,
were obedient and conforming (Baldwin, 1948; Lamborn et al., 1991);
aggressive (Maccoby & Martin, 1983); lacked curiosity, persistence, and
originality; and were not quarrelsome, resistant, or very
independent (Baldwin,
1948). Academically, children of authoritarian parents do not
score as high as
children of authoritative parents (Donbusch et al., 1987). Authoritarian
parenting can also affect moral development which is evidenced through
studies by
Hoffman (1970) and Salzstein (1976), which suggest that children
who have an external
moral orientation are more likely to have authoritarian
parents. This parenting style is
also related to low self-esteem, poor self-
11
concept, and external locus of control (Coopersmith, 1967; Lamborn et al.,
1991).

As Table 1 shows, permissive parenting is characterized as the
opposite of authoritarian; that is, low in demandingness and high in
responsiveness. Permissive
parents appeal to a child's sense of reasoning
rather than using authority, status, physical
strengths, or rewards and
punishments to control their children. They are rarely
demanding of their children, but are warm and accepting of their children's
impulses,
desires, and actions. Children of permissive parents may lack
independence,
responsibility, and impulse control and at the same time be
aggressive (Baumrind, 1967;
Baumrind & Black, 1967; Maccoby & Martin,
1983). In addition, permissive parents do not have high expectations which
results in poorer academic
achievement (Dornbusch et al., 1987; Maccoby &
Martin, 1983).
Authoritative parenting is high in both demandingness and
responsiveness (see
Table 1). Parents use firm control, encourage rational
discussions and independence, expect responsibility, and respect the rights
of their children. Authoritative parents set standards but explain their
decisions in establishing expectations. They are also accepting of and
affectionate with their children. Many studies have linked authoritative
parenting with positive child outcomes such as: high self-esteem
(Coopersmith, 1967); high levels of social responsibility, self-assertion, and
independence (Baumrind, 1967, Baumrind & Black, 1967; Maccoby &
Martin, 1983); and high academic grades for adolescents (Dornbusch et al.,
1987).

The importance of considering various aspects of parental behavior is
central to
most theories that have been influential in the study of parenting.
The studies by both
Baumrind and Baldwin reviewed here stress that high
control and/or demandingness are
essential in order to insure positive
12
outcomes of parenting for children. Both theorists
suggest that
control/demandingess alone do not result in positive outcomes, but must be
accompanied with high level of democracy/responsiveness. The degree to
which parents
employ these two dimensions in their childrearing attitudes
depends on many factors including culture, and generation.
13
CHAPTER 3
DIFFERENT VIEWPOINTS ON CHILD-REARING METHODS OF
CHINESE AMERICAN AND WHITE AMERICAN PARENTS IN THE
USA IN THE 21
ST
CENTURY.
3.1 Viewpoints on child-rearing methods of White-American parents
For White American parents, the parenting style most related to
psychological well-being for adolescents is called authoritative parenting
(Chao, 2001).
The authoritative approach to childrearing of White American parents
balances the dimensions of responsive and demandingness/control. Parents
are characterized by the provision of ongoing warmth and support, especially

during times of uncertainty and stress, and yet their emotional care is not
devoid of the application of helpful guidelines, limits, and the structuring of a
predictable routine. White American parents do use disciplinary measures, but
these tend to be moderate in nature, proportionate to the offense, and
delivered calmly and with an eye towards restorative justice and the modeling
of relationship repair. When appropriate, authoritative parents provide their
children with a rationale as to why their behaviours were inappropriate. In this
manner, they facilitate the internalization of social norms and moral codes so
that their children can eventually socialize themselves in this regard, much as
they will be required to do as adult members of society (Kochanska & Aksan,
2006).
Although authoritative parents are characterized by the consistent way
in which they balance the two dimensions of parenting, it is important to note
that they vary in the application of these elements as their child changes and
develops. During the first two years of life, research suggests that the
responsiveness dimension is critical (Sroufe, 2005). “Caregivers must attune
themselves to the physiological and safety needs of their infants. Correct
reading of their child’s signals is especially important in this regard as the
14
provision of sensitive care hinges first upon the specificity and
appropriateness of the support offered. As episodes of successful signalling
and care accumulate, the infant comes to trust the parent and to anticipate
ongoing need fulfilment in the infant-parent relationship. This process
underlies the formation of a secure emotional attachment, the critical
milestone of this developmental period. In addition, an emerging line of
evidence suggests that the child’s current care environment is just as
important as parental consistency, if not more so. A positive, nurturing
childcare environment contributes positively to children’s socioemotional
development, especially for individuals who may be genetically more reactive
to environmental change” (Belsky & Pasco-Fearon, 2009).

It is also important to note that no two authoritative parents will look
alike, as they need to bend towards the specific developmental needs of their
child. The notion of goodness-of-fit between the parent and child lies at the
core of current scholarly thinking about child development. Considerable
research into the way in which parents and children mutually influence each
other has been done with regard to infant temperament, or simply stated, the
relatively stable tendencies and preferences that an individual is born with
(e.g., activity level, tolerance for change, sociability, inhibition, ease of
soothing, fussiness); (Lahey et al., 2008). Parenting approaches that work
with easygoing infants and children may not be appropriate with more
temperamentally difficult youngsters, even though skilled parents are able to
respond to the cues of their child by adapting the quality of their emotional
responding.
Previous research findings demonstrate that an authoritative parenting
style of White American parents produces a number of positive
developmental outcomes in adolescents. An authoritative parenting style that
includes parental monitoring and supervision promotes teen’s exposure to
positive activities and reduces teen’s opportunities for engaging in delinquent,
15
risky behaviors (Belsky & Pasco-Fearon, 2009). A warm but firm approach to
parenting allows teens to be independent within developmentally appropriate
parental limits and boundaries.
3.2 Viewpoints on child-rearing methods of Chinese American
parents
“Chinese Americans are overrepresented in many of the nation's elite
universities" say Yong Zhao and Wei Qiu. The kids get higher SAT math
scores, and are disproportionately represented among U.S. National Merit
Scholars (Zhao and Qiu, 2009). Why is this case? Contrary to popular belief,
it’s not because Chinese people enjoy an innate advantage in IQ. When James
Flynn analyzed past studies of achievement and IQ, he found that Chinese

attainments could be better explained by environmental factors (Flynn, 1991).
So what’s the secret? Yale law professor Amy Chua says it’s about parenting.
Traditional Chinese parenting has been labeled as “authoritarian” by some
researchers (Chao, 1994, 2000; Dornbusch et al., 1987; Lin & Fu, 1990;
Steinberg, et al., 1992). Authoritarian parenting is a style of child-rearing that
emphasizes high standards and a tendency to control kids through shaming,
the withdrawal of love, or other punishments. This is distinguished from
authoritative parenting, which also emphasizes high standards, but is
accompanied by high levels of parental warmth and a commitment to reason
with children. Chinese mothers raise more accomplished, academically
successful kids because they are more demanding and stricter than Western
mothers are. Effort and the belief that effort pays off is a key ingredient to
Chinese success. Chua herself makes this point in the Wall Street Journal. She
does not let her kids believe they cannot succeed. So here is an overview of
Chua’s controversial claims:
Amy Chua is the daughter of Chinese immigrants to the United States.
Her parents, she says, were “extremely strict but extremely loving.” She tried
to raise her kids the same way. Chua provides some specific examples. For
16
instance, Chua says she never allowed her kids to have a play date, watch TV,
participate in a school play, or choose their own extra-curricular activities.
The kids were also not allowed to “get any grade less than an A” or “not be
the No. 1 student in every subject except gym and drama.”
When her 7-year-old daughter failed to master a new piece on the
piano, Chua drove her relentlessly. “I threatened her with no lunch, no dinner,
no Christmas or Hanukkah presents,” Chua writes, “no birthday parties for
two, three, four years. When she still kept playing it wrong, I told her she was
purposely working herself into frenzy because she was secretly afraid she
couldn't do it. I told her to stop being lazy, cowardly, self-indulgent and
pathetic.” Chua made her daughter work into the night, denying her even a

break to go to the bathroom. “The house became a war zone, and I lost my
voice yelling, but still there seemed to be only negative progress, and even I
began to have doubts. Then, at last, the girl made a breakthrough. She
mastered the piece, and wanted to play it again and again. And the emotional
strife had lifted. That night, the girl crawled into her mother’s bed, and they
snuggled and hugged, cracking each other up.” To many people, this story is
disturbing. Chua’s approach seems harsh and unhelpful. But Chua got the
results. And, Chua notes, the point is this: Unlike many Western parents who
would have backed down, be convinced that the child just wasn’t ready or
able to master the new piano piece, Chua believed that her child could do it.
But she wasn’t going to learn the piece without intense effort, and that effort
wasn’t going to happen unless the child was pushed.
Chua’s claims have caused a stir. Are the parenting tactics she
describes truly effective? And if these tactics work, do they work at a cost to
the kids? Here is what the research says.
Firstly, researchers like Ruth Chao argue that the authoritarian label
does not quite map onto the strict, controlling parenting style of many
traditional Chinese. “Authoritarian” implies that parents are rather cold and
17
distant. But strict Chinese parents enjoy a sense of closeness with their kids.
And the kids may interpret their parents’ coercive tactics as evidence that they
are loved. This, says Chao, is why some studies have failed to show a link
between poor outcomes and authoritarian parenting among Chinese
immigrants. Unlike children in Western authoritarian families children who
feel alienated by their parents the Chinese-American kids feel connected
(Chao 1994; Chao 2001).
Secondly, traditional Chinese parenting has one clear advantage over
contemporary Western parenting: Chinese parents, like many other Asian
parents, are more likely to emphasize effort over innate talent. Many
researchers show that people learn more when they believe that effort, not

innate intelligence, is the key to achievement (Chao 1994; Chao 200, Elliott&
Bempechat, 2002). And other research suggests that Westerners are more
likely to assume that a child fails because he lacks innate ability (Stevenson
and Lee 1990).
Thirdly, Chinese-American kids tend to have peer groups that support
achievement. Studies of adolescents in the United States suggest that some
kids pay a “nerd penalty” for studying hard. When these kids perform well at
school, they get rejected by their peers. Chinese-Americans are less likely to
face this choice between scholastic success and social success. Lawrence
Steinberg and his colleagues (1992) wonder if “pro-achievement” peer
pressure protects Chinese kids from some of the negative effects of
authoritarian parenting.
Finally, according to many theories about parenting practices, Chinese
Americans are expected to have lower academic achievement than European
Americans because Chinese Americans are considered or self-reported to be
more authoritarian parenting. However, contrary to the parenting theory, it is
noteworthy that Chinese-American students perform better in school than
European-American students on a whole (Chao, 1994). She argues that
18
Baumrind's parenting styles would not adequately explain Chinese-American
school success. In her later work, she confirmed that European-American
students from authoritative families had significantly higher school grades
than their counterparts from authoritarian families; while for Chinese-
Americans, students from authoritative and authoritarian families did not
significantly differ on school grades. Meanwhile, her study shows that the
authoritative parenting style was no better than the authoritarian parenting
style for predicting the school performance of Chinese-American students
(Chao, 2001). Similar research (Park & Bauer, 2002) also found that the
relationship between authoritarian style and student academic achievement is
supported only for the majority group, i.e., European Americans. These

findings suggest that it is not accurate to extend the dominant principles of
parenting and achievement to Chinese Americans, which confirmed
Dornbusch’s conclusion (1987) that "Asian children in our public schools
cannot be adequately explained in terms of the parenting styles we have
studied". Since Baumrind's conceptualization of parental authoritarianism
fails to capture the essence of the authoritarian behaviors of Chinese-
American parents, Chao (1994, 2001) proposed and described another
parenting style for Chinese Americans labeled "training" as an alternative.
Training means teaching or educating in Chinese. Traditionally, Chinese
parents, whether abroad or at home, are expected and /or supposed to teach or
educate their children in the appropriate or expected behaviors. They are
responsible to teach, discipline, or "govern" their children. School
performance is a highly valued goal for Chinese-American parents; and
efficacy in parenting is often judged by how well their children do at school
(Chao, 2001). According to Chao's description, training emphasizes
obedience and a set standard of conduct, and the importance of parental
control in instilling the need to work hard, gain self-discipline, and do well in
school. Hence, Baumrind's authoritarian parenting style may share common
19
features with the training style (i.e., emphasis on obedience and control) and
may overlap in some extend. This may explain why Chinese-American
parents are considered more authoritarian in parenting. Chao's studies suggest
that because Chinese-American parents typically emphasize educational
attainment and set high standards for their children, their controlling behavior
and emphasis on obedience from their children should help to propel their
children toward educational success.
20
CHAPTER 4
FACTORS AFFECT VIEWPOINTS ON CHILD-REARING
METHODS OF CHINESE AMERICAN AND WHITE AMERICAN

PARENTS
There are two major factors affect viewpoints on child-rearing methods
of Chinese American and White American parents, namely culture, and
Parental Expectations and Beliefs, are considered in this research. There may
be other factors influencing on their parenting viewpoints such as
socioeconomic status or parental education. However, in the scope of the
graduation paper, they cannot be covered.
4.1 Factors affect Child-rearing methods of White-American
parents.
4.1.1 Culture
American child-rearing practices have roots in certain sects of
Christianity (Suzuki). The White-American culture differs from the Chinese
in several distinctive ways. First, the White-American parent-child
relationship is based on discussion and mutual agreements rather than
parental control (Maccoby & Martin, 1983), as in Chinese cultures.
Second, White-American values are individually oriented as opposed to
the group oriented values favored by Chinese Americans.

According to
researchers, the primary cultural difference between White-Americans and
Chinese culture is the concept of independence versus interdependence. While
White-American society embraces independence and emphasizes self-
expression, personal uniqueness, and self-sufficiency, Chinese society
emphasizes interdependence, group solidarity, social hierarchy, and personal
humility (Wang & Leichtman, 2000). Teenagers are at the stage in their lives
where they want to break free from parental control and assert their own
independence. Studies have shown that this assertion of independence can
result in greater conflict and “less cohesion with their parents, often with
direct negative effects on their psychological well-being” (Wang &
21

Leichtman, 2000). This effect may be seen more in the cultural demands of
Chinese-American parents. White-American parents encourage their children
to be physically and emotionally separated from them and parents value
individual development in their children (Jung, 1984; Steinberg & Silverberg,
1986). For example, children are encouraged to utilize self-help skills at a
young age rather than learning to depend on a member of the family (Jung,
1984), which would be more appropriate in Chinese families.
4.1.2 Parental Expectations and Beliefs
Across many cultures, it has been demonstrated that parents'
expectations have a positive correlation to parenting styles (Chen & Lan
1998). Parents' expectations have a powerful influence on children's school
performance: "It is dear that high achieving children tend to come from
families who have high expectations for them, and who consequently are
likely to 'set standards' and to make greater demands at an earlier age"
(Boocock, 1972, p. 60). Usui, Lei, and Butter (1981) found that the brighter a
child is perceived to be, the higher the educational expectations the parents
have. Henderson (1988) also confirmed that the powerful influence of parent's
expectations on children's academic achievement exists across all social,
economic, and ethnic backgrounds. Chen and Lan (1998) stated that if the
parents expect them to do well, and have communicated this expectation from
an early age, then it is likely that their children will perform well in school.
Most White-American parents believe that innate ability is an
important factor for the success of the children in school. They believe that
their child’s success is based on their ability and not their effort, causing them
not to spend money on things providing extra help for their children (Elliott&
Bempechat, 2002). Because parental attitudes have a very strong influence on
students attitudes, this attitude can cause the students not to study as much as
they would if they thought their effort had a lesser role in their success. JD
House found in his research that student’s beliefs have a direct correlation
with their actual achievement in the class (House). Because parents believe

22